President, "was that it would be considered our last shriek on the retreat. [This was his precise expression.] 'Now,' continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war." Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The result was that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory.

"From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously watching the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally came the week of the battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side. I was then staying at the Soldier's Home [three miles out of Washington]. Here I finished writing the second draft of the preliminary proclamation; came up on Sunday; called the Cabinet together to hear it and it was published on the following Monday."

NOTE TO SECRETARY STANTON

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8, 1864.

My dear Sir: I saw Doolittle and made your views known to him. He is altogether tractable on the question and thinks there is no danger of precipitate action.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

*TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. E. SICKLES

WAR DEPARTMENT, February 10, 1864. Major-General Sickles, New York: Please come on at your earliest convenience, prepared to make the contemplated trip for me.

A. LINCOLN.

LETTER TO SECRETARY STANTON

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 11, 1864.

My dear Sir: In January, 1863, the ProvostMarshal at St. Louis, having taken the control of a certain church from one set of men and given it to another I wrote General Curtis on the subject as follows:

"The United States Government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual in a church or out of it becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but the churches, as such, must take

care of themselves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the churches."

Some trouble remaining in this same case, I, on the twenty-second of December, 1863 in a letter to Mr. O. D. Filley, repeated the above language, and among other things added, "I have never interfered nor thought of interfering as to who shall or shall not preach in any church; nor have I knowingly or believingly tolerated any one else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so interfering by color of my authority, I would like to have it specifically made known I will not have control of any

to me.

church on any side."

After having made these declarations in good faith, and in writing, you can conceive of my embarrassment at now having brought to me what purports to be a formal order of the War Department, bearing date November 30, 1863, giving Bishop Ames control and possession of all the Methodist churches in certain Southern military departments, whose pastors have not been appointed by a loyal bishop or bishops, and ordering the military to aid him against any resistance which may be made to his taking such possession and control. What is to be done about it? Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

LETTER TO SECRETARY CHASE

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 12, 1864.

My dear Sir: I have felt considerable anxiety concerning the Custom House at New York. Mr. Barney has suffered no abatement of my confidence in his honor and integrity; and yet I am convinced that he has ceased to be master of his position. A man by the name of Bailey, whom I am unconscious of ever having seen, or even having heard of except in this connection, expects to be, and even now assumes to be, collector de facto, while Mr. Barney remains nominally so. This Mr. Bailey, as I understand, having been summoned as a witness to testify before a committee of the House of Representatives which purposed investigating the affairs of the New York Custom House, took occasion to call on the chairman in advance, and to endeavor to smother the investigation, saying among other things, that whatever might be developed, the President would take no action, and the committee would thereby be placed unpleasantly. The public interest cannot fail to suffer in the hands of this unresponsible and unscrupulous man. I propose sending Mr. Barney minister to Portugal, as evidence of my continued confidence in him; and I further propose appointing collector of the customs at New

York. I wrote the draft of this letter two weeks ago, but delayed sending it for a reason which I will state when I see you.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

INDORSEMENT ON THE MODIFYING ORDER RELATING TO METHODIST CHURCHES IN REBEL STATES, February 13, 1864

As you see within, the Secretary of War modifies his order so as to exempt Missouri from it. Kentucky was never within it; nor, as I learn from the Secretary was it ever intended for any more than a means of rallying the Methodist people in favor of the Union, in localities where the rebellion had disorganized and scattered them. Even in that view, I fear it is liable to some abuses, but it is not quite easy to withdraw it entirely and at once.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO HORACE MAYNARD

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 13, 1864.

Hon. Horace Maynard, Nashville, Tenn.: Your letter of [the] second received. Of course Governor Johnson will proceed with reorganization as the exigencies of the case appear to him to require. I do not apprehend he will