good judgment in his arduous undertaking to supplant our modern régime of Glory, Gold, and Imperialism by hoisting the Stars and Stripes. The simple-hearted Nebraskan does not realize that the doctrine of the equality of man is already so rotten as, at the bare touch of Imperialism, to fall readily from the parent stem of the Constitution. The plot of the magnificent drama of Trust and Imperialism begins to thicken. It will be seen the Nebraskan is not the Archimedes of the political world. He forgets the Power-holding Class has said of the Constitution, Carthago delenda est. Trust will not treat with the American people until he has brought them to their feet. Gallant and great I grant him, but it is stupendous folly to suppose the Nebraskan can ever instill new frenzy about popular rights into the torpid modern American patrician so long as the Republican party flaunts the gorgeous folds of Imperial Glory and Gold, and Trust discharges her tremendous financial battery at Wall Street sages who, under the tutelage of the noble Hebrew fraternity of Lombard Street, guide and govern America.

PRESIDENT (dejectedly): It looks to me at this time as if the Nebraskan was the star chosen by God to give light to the American wayfarer. His speech possesses the ineffable charm of grace as the Greeks understood it. He has demonstrated that the national crimes of Trust and Imperialism are useless, as crimes always are. The Nebraskan is a superb American jewel. He exhibits strength with his genius, vehemence in his discourses, a living, an impetuous eloquence which sweeps away and takes entire possession of the people. When he sees himself sustained and applauded he exhibits an extraordinary boldness. He has an air of authority which makes the guilty tremble before him. No one dares to contradict him in things great or small. The people regard his voice as the protest of a

heroic soul for liberty. They like his translation of that great text-book of freedom, the Constitution.

SENATOR: The descent of the Republic into Imperialism needs but the adjustment of another form of government to the already lowered civic character of the American people. The Nebraskan makes the people laugh. He has no statesmanlike finesse. Mr. President, it is as true in American to-day as it was in France under Louis XI.: He who does not know how to dissemble does not know how to reign. Dissimulation conquers by a silent operation. Man finds himself changed. He scarcely knows how. It is astonishing, said the Eastern potentate to his son, with how little wisdom the world is governed. America is no exception. There is no more straightforwardness and sincerity in our political world than in the European Courts of Princes, Kings, Emperors, Ministers, and their deputies. The English Government in 1896 pledged itself to restore the par of exchange between gold and silver. Two years later Secretary Hay wrote to a director of the Bank of England that our Government desired an international agreement. In Section 14 of the Currency Law the Republicans have made substantially the same declaration of their purpose. We caught the Western vote in 1896 by favoring international bimetallism, but we at the same time promised the Eastern monometallists that we would maintain the Gold Standard until an international agreement could be attained, and they knew international bimetallism could never be attained. After the election we sent out commissioners to ask for international bimetallism, but Mr. Gage, our Secretary, was a propagandist of Gold Monometallism. How else than by this series of dissimulation could we have ruled the party? Could Machiavelli have better conceived a plan to protect trusts than my Ohio resolution?

So-called TRUSTS SHALL BE SO REGULATED FROM TIME TO TIME AND SO RESTRICTED AS TO GUARANTEE IMMUNITY FROM HURTFUL MONOPOLY.

If the Bacon resolution—

Resolved, further, That the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said islands, and assert their determination, when a stable and independent government shall have been erected therein, entitled in the judgment of the Government of the United States to recognition as such, to transfer to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and thereupon to leave the government and control of the islands to their people

had not been defeated by the vote of our Vice-President, Imperialism would have met its death, and yet

The McEnery resolution adopted by the Republicans declares

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That by the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain, it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands into citizenship of the United States, nor is it intended to permanently annex said islands as an integral part of the territory of the United States; but it is the intention of the United States to establish on said islands a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them for local self-government, and in due time to make such disposition of said islands as will best promote the interests of citizens of the United States and the inhabitants of said islands.

When all insurrection against the sovereignty and authority of the United States in the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty concluded at Paris on the

tenth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, shall have been completely suppressed by the military and naval forces of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern the said islands shall, until otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the President of the United States shall direct for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion.

Mr. President, you see how redolent of hypocrisy has been the rhetoric for expansion. Politics transform the best characters. Were I to find myself where dissimulation was not the reigning quality or where lying was not favored and approved of, I should believe I had come upon. a paradise; one has to yelp with the wolves. The only Sovereignty which interests us is our own sovereignty. Napoleon adopted the title of First Consul for the same reason that Cromwell declared himself the servant of the people and disguised his rule under the title of Protector. Was there ever a greater hypocrite than Cromwell? Political hypocrisy has never been pilloried, because it has worn a mask. On his deathbed Napoleon said power affected the intelligence of men. America is producing the type of the political Tartuffe.

PRESIDENT: How much better is such republicanism than Machiavellism? I maintain that the art of governing is the art of being honest; it is by absolute justice, and justice alone that it is possible to govern a nation. Although in politics confessedly dubious sincerity and fine lies, equivocation, a suggestio falsi, suppressio veri, cunning equivocation, and dissembling must form a part of the science of the political diplomat.

SENATOR: Mr. President, if this nation must be ruled by constitutional limitations, why did you not refuse to

utilize an opportunity of achieving aggrandizement for our followers in Cuba and the Eastern Archipelago?

PRESIDENT: Ah! no more of that, Hal, an' thou lovest me. Petty morality would be fatal to the higher morality of benevolent assimilation. Let my memory perish so long as those countries are saved to Christianity and commerce. If I exercised unconstitutional powers it was for the public good.

SENATOR: Then you concede you have lain the foundation stone of Machiavellism in America because it is demanded for the public good?

PRESIDENT: I confess it was a stupendous crime; for from the viper the viper is bred. There seems to be nothing, Senator, more brutal and sanguinary than man when animated by political passion.

SENATOR: Now in all candor, Mr. President, I ask you, was it the interest of the state or that of the moneyed classes who held the war bonds which was the guiding principle and goal in the intrigue of 1873, the beginning but not the end of the Power-holding Republicans in the past quarter of a century?

PRESIDENT: That, Senator, is the most unkindest cut of all. My silver record, like Banquo's ghost, will never down. It furnished daily texts and theorems for the Democratic spellbinders. Talent cannot destroy facts. I invoked the demons of Barron, Orient, Beelzebub, Satan, and Babal, beseeching them to grant me Gold, knowledge, and power to escape from my Silver record. Go where I might, I beheld handbills in flaming letters with the following extract from my speech to the Ohio Republican League against Grover Cleveland in 1892:

Major McKinley said in 1892, during the Presidential campaign, when he was speaking of Grover Cleveland: During all his years at the head of the Government he