of the mother and six children (the father had been in the infirmary for seven weeks), who had lived on a pennyworth of bread, a pennyworth of tea, a halfpennyworth of sugar, and a half pennyworth of milk-every other day, and this was got on credit. In a filthy room in another street were found several children entirely naked (this in the severest days of the long frost)! Their mother had been out since morning looking for work. Several cases were found where the family had been without food (sometimes without fire also) for three days. And while all this was going on, and in one street there were 115 adults out of work, 80 of whom had been so from one to nine months, there were in the same district between seven and eight thousand paupers in the various workhouse institutions.

As one more example from a different area we have Mrs. Hogg's account of the fur pullers of South London in the Nineteenth Century for November, 1897:

The room is barely 8 feet square, and it has to serve for day and night alike. Pushed into one corner is the bed, a dirty pallet tied together with string, upon which is piled a black heap of bedclothes. On one-half of the table are the remains of breakfast-a crust of bread, a piece of butter, and a cracked cup, all thickly coated with the all-pervading hairs. The other half is covered with pulled skins waiting to be taken to the shop. The window is tightly closed, because such air as can find its way in from the stifling court below would force the hair into the noses and eyes and lungs of the workers, and make life more intolerable for them than it is already. To the visitor, indeed, the choking sensation caused by the passage of hairs into the throat and the nausea from the smell of the skins is at first almost too overpowering for speech.

Two women work in this horrible place for twelve hours a day and can then earn only 1s. 4d., out of which comes the cost of knives and knife-grinding and fines and deductions of various kinds. In another room one woman kept herself and a daughter of nine by working all day and earning about Ys. 6d. a week.

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!

The descriptions here given illustrate the horrible gulf of extreme poverty in which more than a quarter of a million of the people of London constantly live, and into which, sooner or later, are precipitated almost the whole of the million and a quarter who are permanently living below the poverty line, and to whom illness or want of work brings an absolute destitution.

SENATOR: The London City Press tells us that the increased profits in the city of London during the ten years from 1880 to 1890 were no less than £30,755,283, and it adds:

This is the best evidence that can be furnished of England's commercial prosperity under imperialism and colonial expansion. A million people in London without sufficient food and clothing and fire for a healthy life-but great commercial prosperity! Thousands maimed or racked and tortured to death by dangerous trades-but great commercial prosperity! Those who die paupers' deaths increasing in the ten years from 21 to 26 per cent. of the total deaths-but what of that when imperialism. has great commercial prosperity? The average lives of the lower class of artisans and workers in the unwholesome trades being only twenty-nine years, while that of the upper classes is fifty-five years-millions thus killed twenty-five years before their time, but then England under the Glory and Gold £tandard of Imperialism has "great commercial prosperity!"

PRESIDENT: This is Imperialistic Expansion with a vengeance. The transplanted Imperial tree of Colonial Expansion in America promises a fine crop, truly.

SENATOR: Its opening buds are the records of Algerism, embalmed beef, pestilential camps, blundering military operations, the scandalous preferment of incompetent and unfit persons rung in by virtue of the happy possession of a "political pull" in the army and naval service, robber

contracts for the purchase of yachts and vessels to be used as transports, the despotic treatment of Porto Rico, the treacherous treatment of friendly Filipinos, transforming them into deadly enemies, the looting of the revenues of Cuba and Havana.

PRESIDENT: The first bugle-call of expansion coerced us to take over the Philippine archipelago, compelled us to assume the enormous burden of introducing order and civilization and good government into uncounted, if not uncountable, tropical islands lying thousands of miles from our coasts, bound us to enter upon the herculean task of leading into the paths of "sweetness and light" many millions of people of all colors, from the deepest black to the lightest yellow, of tongues as numerous and as hopelessly diverse as those of the builders of the Tower of Babel, and of all stages of enlightenment or non-enlightenment between the absolutely barbarous and the semicivilized.

SENATOR: It is not possible to deny that a war for liberty converted by you into one of conquest and aggression has resulted in the "forcible annexation"-once denounced by you yourself as "a crime"-of large tracts of territory outside of what have heretofore been the territorial limits of the United States, peopled by millions of human beings of a different race and color, speaking another language, aliens to our civilization, our habits, and our laws. Over these newly acquired territories and their inhabitants it has been boldly proclaimed that Congress has powers of legislation unrestrained by the limitations of the Constitution.

PRESIDENT: It was well said: If they are capable of self-government, we are in the wrong. If the Filipinos are incapable, who rises to say it is wise for us to seek the subjugation of a people whom we cannot accept as political associates?

Our territorial system is not a training school for the reformation of criminals or for the enlightenment of halfcivilized races. The Philippine Islands furnish inhabitants adequate for ten States. Whoever accepts them, either as equals or as vassals, is the enemy of the Republic. The war itself, however viewed, is only a step toward evil results if the President's policy should be sanctioned by the country. Those results I am to consider.

This question I put to the defenders of this war: What is the end that you seek? Is it the vassalage of these people? If so, then you are the enemies of the Republic and the betrayers of the principles upon which the Republic thus far has been made to rest. If you intend to endow them with statehood, you betray the Union to a fatal ending.

SENATOR: That speech recalled to me the words of Burke:

Ruin must fall on all institutions of dignity or of authority that are perverted from their purport to the oppression of human nature in others and to its disgrace in themselves. As the wisdom of men makes such institutions, the folly of men destroys them.

PRESIDENT: The political insanity of distinguished gentlemen appears to have some relation to the rabies canina-mad dog. It does not see a human hydra issuing from a bloody fen breathing destruction on its winding way.

The Spirits of Sovereignty, Dominion, and Universal empire founded on gold, grandeur, greed, and glory burn with an unquenchable intensity. They are ready to swell the rivers of blood which are to flow for the principles they are contending for. They will crush all they cannot control. They will strike down what they cannot understand. They have made of this earth a wandering hell in eternal

space. Their bill of rights says, You work, I eat; you toil, I reap. The same unenlightened forces perjured the soul of Copernicus; administered hemlock to Socrates; shed the blood of Seneca; paralyzed the tongue of Galileo, and banished Aristotle. Later on it cost Harvey his living; made Jenner a blasphemer; Pascal a heretic; Acosta an atheist; Dr. Faustus a co-partner with Satan, and Fulton the subject of ridicule. It denies that immortal state paper, the highest creative power of which man is capable, the declaration which declares that just government stands only on the consent of the governed, and that all men are equal before the law as self-evident truths. On the contrary, it maintains that spirit of eternal justice is a self-evident lie. It denies that the end of the state is not simply to live, but to live nobly.

SENATOR: When you said, "I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression," what did you mean by that counterfeit logic?

PRESIDENT: I meant the Declaration of Independence was not a self-evident lie; what Charles Sumner said, The Declaration of Independence is the twofold promise: first, that all are equal in rights, and, secondly, that just government stands only on the consent of the governed, being the two great political commandments on which hang all laws and constitutions. Keep these truly and you will keep all. Write them in your statutes; write them in your hearts. This is the great and only final settlement of all existing questions. To this sublime consecration of the Republic let us aspire. What Bancroft meant, this immortal state paper, which for its composer was the aurora of enduring fame, was the genuine effusion of the soul of the country at that time, the revelation of its mind, when, in its youth, its enthusiasm, its sublime confronting of dan