possible that hitherto immutable political situation, a successful alliance between the positively and the negatively bad, between those who profit by partial rule, and those who hope to profit by it.

When a sufficient number of the All possess power, that of the sections will vanish, and instead of some ridiculous sort of protestantism in politics, we shall have (politically) a wholesome destruction of the genus "Whig," whilst Toryism will then be outnumbered and outvoted.

In America, oligarchs and slaveholders could neither have intrigued nor fought without the "Democrats." In England the " Quarterly" preaches actual war against Democracy; but just as the South waited too long, until Republicanism and free Labour had demoralised the Border States, and cast the Balance of Power against it, so, in like manner, has Toryism already lost the day. And the eras correspond. The "Quarterly" and the Slaveholders should both have gone to war before 1832, before Equality, which has gained since then victory upon victory, was either properly organised or adequately led.

Equality and oligarchy can never long co-exist in any country. Where the bases of Development, Free School, Press, Church, and Assembly, can be made sure, there the rule of minorities is impossible, and the triumph of Equality is guaranteed by Nature, History, and God.

The principle of "Equality of conditions," which

is also the master passion of America, is the great antagonist of the South, of Secession, and of Oligarchy.

Had the war ended without a victory, this passion and principle of Equality would effectually, and in due course, by the quiet resistless energies of its propagandism, destroy Oligarchy.

It is a stock remark that Celts love Equality, but will tolerate Despotism; and that Teutons will have Freedom, will not have Despotism, but will put up with privileged orders, and unequal conditions.

The perfecting mongrel breed of America will have neither Despotism nor Inequality, but the latter they hate with a perfect hatred.

Nothing can oppose itself to the ultimate progress in America, of Freedom and Equality.

The Education, self-restraint, and Loyalty of American Democracy, are a guarantee that “equal conditions" will be abiding amongst them, and with these neither Slavery nor any other political phase of Oligarchy can co-exist.

In the American constitution Slavery existed as a fact, Freedom as a Principle. The Nation could attain its due proportions only as the principle of Freedom should destroy the fact of Slavery, first of the body, and progressively of Intellect and Soul.

Had Slavery not been in the nation, this war had not been. "The war" simply showed that

the nation was on its promotion. That it was going to be neither a failure nor a suicide. That it must dispose of its barbarous and factious Slave growth, before it could prove and complement its nationality, and "mount up higher."

"The world hath passed me like a ship at sea, must be somewhat the feeling of all who have discussed or regarded this question, not believing in American Nationality.

Impertinence has chased impertinence, and every point raised by ignorance and kept by presumption has run its career, and died its natural death, but those questions only that relate to the present and future of the nation, remain.

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Well, he could hardly have missed it if he kept on," was the comment of a Yankee upon the discovery of America by Columbus.

The foundations of the Nation are as broad and as solid as those of the Continent, and the supposition that such a nation could be swept away or dismembered by such a rebellion, as that which has just been subdued, was always regarded by me as one of the most marvellous of all intellectual heresies. Such a conclusion proves a wide spread ignorance not only of the essential facts, and special constituent elements of the American nation, but of the conditions and meaning of Nationality generally.

I should have thought it easier far, to sail westward for ever from Europe, and yet to miss America, than, comprehending anything of what is a "Nation," and especially of the glorious proportions and majestic strength of the American nation, to assume that it could fall away in its early youth, with its world-work undone, and time-tasks unperformed.

The man does not live, who could worthily describe that Nation, or unfold its unmatched resources. But who can follow its History, from its source in the Democratic Puritanism of middleclass England, -- see how it loved to think, and yearned to worship,-trace its struggles for Individual, Municipal, and National rights,-read its Declaration,―mark its spontaneous reconstruction, read its claims upon "the immutable "laws of human nature, and the traditions. of "English immunities,"-note how the Godlike contagion of its ideas swept back over Europe, till it lighted up in the North those flames of Moscow that might indeed have been "the Aurora of the liberties of all Peoples," mark its combination of entire Freedom with intense Loyalty, its thirty years struggle against Slavery, its final Battle for Freedom and Nationality in one, the preludes of its second Reconstruction under the auspices of its great Puritan President, and how Action and Reaction every where wait for its issues, who, I ask, can see, and know, and

understand these things, and doubt of American Democracy or Nationality, without doubting also of all other Histories, Philosophies, Moralities, Principles, and Facts, together?

Democrats and Conservatives, Copperheads and the South, will doubtless endeavour to reinstate the situation which formerly gave power to the South, and place to Democrats. If they succeed before the negro can receive the suffrage, they may virtually reinstate the rebellion.

To this end they may use the question of the Southern debt or of the negro suffrage, as a platform to unite upon, and if Southern Freedom be acknowledged without guarantees for Negro Equality, then the Principle of the war, and of the National History and life will have been surrendered.

The North however is strong enough and clear enough to insist upon Negro Equality,—the best free labour propagandism-not only as a principle, but as a material guarantee of victory. Until that be attained no peace or settlement is possible, and the basis of representation will remain an open question.

The life of a nation is an organic whole, and the science of politics is absolute, and as far from doubt as from fear. The American nation will be true to the principles of its origin, life and progress. To reinstate the rebellion would be but to reinstate its defeat.

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