system of means, influences, and issues, which America sets before the world.

Thus the questions at issue in America are not to be circumscribed by even the widest limits that have generally been set for them.

The question is not between Freedom and Slavery, in the limited acceptation of the terms, for Slavery is a system of oppression and suicide, and will either be destroyed, or fail. Slavery is doomed, and is not a question, but an irritation only.

The outside question is whether the principle of treason and unjustifiable revolt shall triumph in the new world. But the essential question, in its largest and completest aspect, is whether that system of balanced right between man and man, and between the Man and the Government, established and preserved there for 80 years, shall be rebuked and degraded before the world,-whether the great Anglo-Saxon race, and the tributary races it has assimilated, and those free institutions, in religion and politics, for which the world's martyrs have fought and died, shall now have on their side, a great, a successful, a united, and advancing People, to fight the battles of the future, and to stand by the side of the veritable English people, in the essential contests that must come from essential antagonisms, in the History and emancipation of the Human race.

The greatest facts not only of the present era, but in the secular history of the world,-are the spread of one race over the whole of one Contitinent; the Federation of many separate states,

each of the average size of an European kingdom, under one Government; and their existence, and probable continued existence, under Institutions really free and democratic.

The tremendous import of the general issues; involved in this special issue between Slavery and the constitutional Government of America, may well stagger the apprehension of those who do not advance to them full panoplied with Principle, and with a proper sense of responsibility. But it should steady the minds of those who do thus advance.

Let us repeat and emphasize these issues;They are, for the World, the question of selfGovernment by the Peoples everywhere. For England, they affect, more or less deeply, the questions of Democratic Institutions, of India, Canada, and the Cotton Felony and Famine, and of the Anglo-American Continent. For America, the questions of free labour, of territorial Integrity, of free and centralised Government, of the Union, sooner or later restored and enlarged, of Nationality and Independence.

The political future of Man.

The Permanence of the American Union, and the integrity of its nationality.

The freedom of labour, and of the Negro.

These questions have their full meaning at home as well as abroad, for there really exist in England but two Parties,―The party that believes in and is prepared to trust the People, and the party that does neither.

The number, the magnitude, the inveteracy, of the questions involved, and the essential and inti

mate relations of the two parties to them, account for the interest mankind take in the struggle, but they also demonstrate the folly of expecting that anything less than an absolute settlement of the Situation is possible.

THE ENGLISH STANDPOINT.

THE ANGLO-SAXON CONTINENT.

PANAMA.

CANADA.

INDIA, AND THE ENGLISH STAPLE,
OLIGARCHY AND DEMOCRACY.

THE CONSTITUTION UNBALANCED.
LAND TENURE.

POPULAR ASSOCIATION.

THE REACTION REACTED UPON.

"The two or three main ideas which constitute the basis of the Social theory of the United States were first combined in the Northern British colonies, the States of New England.

"In England the stronghold of Puritanism was in the middle classes, and it was from the middle classes that the majority of the emigrants came.

“The general principles which are the groundwork of modern constitutions, were all recognised and determined by the laws of New England. The Americans are a very old and enlightened People, &c. That portion of the English People, which is commissioned to explore the wilds of the new world.”—De Tocqueville.

Already (1690) the plebeian outcasts, the Anglo-Saxon emigrants, were the hope of the world."-Bancroft.

"That the first adventurers and settlers of his Majesty's colony and dominion brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity and all other his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting, all the privileges, franchises, and immunities, that have at any time been held by the People of Great Britain.”

Resolution in Virginia Assembly, 1765.

“That the inhabitants of the English colonies, by the immutable laws of nature, the Principles of the English Constitution, &c. have certain rights.”

Resolution of 12 Colonies at Philadelphia Congress, 1774. “Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall esteem a Union with you to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness." Address of Congress to the People of Great Britain.

Representation and taxation must go together; they are inseparable. For genuine sagacity, for singular moderation, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sentiments, and simplicity of language, the Congress of Philadelphia stands unrivalled. *** America has all the reason in the world to believe you mean her death or her bondage. I pledge myself never to leave this business."

Lord Chatham, in the Lords, 1775.

“The idea of virtual representation is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of man."-Mr. Pitt, 1766.

"When a nation modifies the electoral qualification, it may easily be foreseen that sooner or later that qualification will be entirely abolished. There is no more invariable rule in the history of Society.”—De Tocqueville.

"Should Angels and Archangels come down from Heaven to govern us, public liberty must be in danger whenever a free constitution is dependent on will; and a free constitution is dependent on will, whenever the will of one estate can direct the conduct of all three."-Bolingbroke.

"The English Government will be no more, either when the Crown shall become independent on the nation for its supplies, or when the representatives of the People shall begin to share in the executive authority."-De Lolme.

“Besides these more general questions England has some of her own. Foremost among them all is the suppression of the Slave Trade."-Castlereagh's Instructions to Wellington for Congress of

Verona.

"Almost all ancient legislators, especially Moses, grounded the success of their ordinances concerning virtue, justice, and morality, upon securing hereditary estates, or at least, landed property, to the greatest possible number of citizens."-Niebuhr.

“It is of the nature of property to run into large masses. Public laws should be so constructed as to favor its diffusion as much as they can."-Paley.

"If men are to remain civilized or to become so, the art of associating together must grow and improve, in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased."-De Tocqueville.