for which religion permits or demands an armed propagandism.

It is asserted that free labour will not pay; and that white labour cannot last in the South.

Other such assertions as that "Slavery has nothing to do with the war," are relegated now to very low-art tumblers in the political sawdust. They pay no longer, for even "the gods” know that they are lies, and nothing more.

The fashion that speaks of Unity in the North, as "Despotism;" and Despotism in the South, as "Unity;" is to be set down as an instance of that rare and unhoped for good fortune which sometimes favours the most audacious speculators on the folly of mankind.

The "strategists" who talk of the advantages accruing to the South, from "moving on interior lines," now that it is driven into a corner, and cannot move on the exterior lines, have also met with their share of appreciation.

The Three assertions or propositions,―that the Bible authorizes Slavery; that free labour will not pay in competition with Slave labour; that the right of Secession is inherent in Individual States, need no repetition, for they may be said to commit suicide directly they are clearly formulated.

The BIBLE indicated to the Jews certain modes by which the evils of Slavery, as practised by surrounding heathen, were to be mitigated and reduced to a minimum, as far as was possible to the civilization of that age. The Bible lays down concerning Slavery no principles, but authorized, through Moses, certain administrative reforms, changing

slavery into servitude. But the whole scope and purpose of the Book, and of the religion of human nature and of God, is to make men free in the Truth, by binding them under one law of equality, brotherhood, and lovingkindness, members one

with another in Christ's body, the Church. To charge, then, Slavery upon this system and this Book, is not merely a lie in terms, -it is a generic lie, a lie against their whole genius, scope, nature, and tendency, as well as against their particular inculcations and commands.

it

It is an indignity to Truth and Honesty, is a complicity with charlatans against the value of evidence and reason, to apply its rules and formulas elaborately to transparent falsehood. It matters little, comparatively, that there exist in a State a certain number of Liars. It matters infinitely more that palpable Lies should be habitually deferred to as arguments, examined as onesided truths, or treated with the honours of controversy.

It is far better to meet flat falsehood dogmatically,-to tell the Dog he lies, and to pass on about one's business.

With regard to the phantasy that man free, is not equally equipped for LABOUR with man enslaved, it involves the same falsehood, the same doubt of God and man, the same impious impeachment of the ways of God with man. La mort sans phrase is the only answer that reason can give to such sophistry. Without argument, we may repudiate once for all, the idea that any contradiction of the laws of God and of nature,

can be permanently profitable to any participator in the transaction. The superiority of free labour, as shewn by its results in America, has, however, been demonstrated ad nauseam.

The Principle of "STATE SOVEREIGNTY," when brought to mean individual State license and national dissolution, is matter, not for argument, but for contempt and ridicule against those who uphold it in theory, and for a war of execution against those who uphold it in arms.

But supposing it granted, for argument's sake, that every thing relating to the supposed internal interest of each State, is to be absolutely settled by such State. Is there to be argued from this doctrine of severalty of interest, a community of crime, a sufferance of aggression, and a complicity in national suicide? The acquiescence in an organized system of barbarous cultivation, depending on organized crime, that must spread or die,-the one law of whose existence is aggression, and evermore aggression? We say such "State Sovereignty" would make each State despotic over the fate of the Union: would be a reversal of the natural relationships between Republic and State, making the State supreme, and the Republic itself a slave. The assertion, as regards America, of a constitutional right to nurse and aggravate a desperate organic disease in the republic, or as regards the world, to constitute that incomparable nuisance a Slave empire, is an assertion which certainly does not deceive those who make it. If right, or reason, or religion, remain upon earth, then the right to constitute or to extend an empire founded upon the

unmanning of man, is not the doctrine of men, but the doctrine of Devils, and as wrong in every economic or statesmanlike sense, as in morals, and religion.

The argument for "NATIONALITY" founded upon Slavery, is also a contradiction in terms. Nationality depends upon Freedom and Law, upon the strength and virtue of the Individual, and the coherence of the State. Slavery opposes both, and will destroy them or be destroyed by them. At the early stage, Slavery may only encounter individual and municipal rights, but if it lives and grows, it must assail the national life.

The imputed "COURAGE" of the chivalry involves an abuse of language, or rather of thought. To praise them for a courage common to criminals, prizefighters, gladiators, and beasts, were no praise. It is only the courage which attacks the rights of others. There is a courage of beasts and a courage of men. There are, who praise for mere animal courage, a race that has carried on a sixty years' war of tyrants, atheists, cowards, panders, misers, and pimps, upon the rights, the chastity, the honour, the intellect, and the souls of a subject race. There are, who call the hearty fighting for such a system, " courage," we don't. true courage without moral sanctions. not the willingness to incur danger for committing a crime, or inflicting an injury. Confederate "BONDS" may also turn out to be a contradiction in terms. The men who forged a

There is no

Courage is the sake of

constitution for Kansas, and passed off armed desperadoes, imported for the feat, as voters,-who violated the Ballot Box, and sent in false returns, -who violated the Missouri compact, made for "consideration,”-who conspired to assassinate Lincoln, who seized the national property, and used it against the nation, who repudiated money obligations, and repudiated the constitution,-who recommended the legalising of the forgery of notes,—these men are now headed by the arch repudiator Jeff. Davis, who considers it " unconstitutional," to pay certain State debts, who charged the English Government with repudiation, and talked of "The Times," as a "pensioned press," and "hired advocate," and charged the "London Change" with hiring it to denounce him.*

The word of Jeff. Davis is no doubt as good as his "Bond," and we presume the "London Change" relies upon that, or on. Southern "nationality," for payment. It seems to us that there is not very good security either for the will or the Deed, for the "Principle" or the Interest.

SERVILE WAR has been unsparingly denounced by men who do not object to war on principle. But if any war can be justified, it appears to us that a servile war, undertaken with probability of success, is a fortiori, justifiable.

* See pamphlet hereon, by the Hon. Mr. Walker. Ridgway, 1863.