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senting in fact the whole consolidated strength of the Union, acting through party sympathy upon the individual members of society, would ultimate in a despotic, colossal centralism, possessed of power to override and destroy at its will and pleasure the constitutions and reserved rights of any and all the States. The South, however, has heretofore felt safe because of the checks and balances imposed upon the machinery of the Conventions. The South felt that where she retained an equal power to write the creed of faith, she could trust her Northern sisters, with their immense populations, to name the candidate; and all would alike support the creed and the candidate.

The undersigned, well knowing the hostility of the Northern masses toward the "peculiar institutions" of the South, and calling to mind the relative numbers of the Northern and Southern States, assert with confidence that no Southern State in the Union would ever have consented to surrender, so abjectly and hopelessly, all their fortunes to the numerical majority who have just now voted to set aside the Platform, unless upon the full assurance that the States were entitled by agreement to make and establish the creed of faith and prescribe the rule of action. This violation of plighted faith on the part of the numerical majority-this violation of the well established usage and custom of the party-drive us to the conclusion that we cannot longer safely trust the fortunes of Slaveholding States to the chances of the numerical majority in a Convention, where all the Black Republicans of the Union, the immense populations of Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, and other Northern States, are fully represented, on the one side, against the small populations from the slave States on the other. Had these populations adhered strictly to the usages and customs of the party, longer association might have been practicable; but annihilation is staring

us in the face, and we are admonished of our duty to stand upon our reserved rights.

We declare, therefore, that we believe our mission to this Convention at an end:

1st. Because the numerical majority have usurped the prerogatives of the States in setting aside the Platform made by the States, and have thus unsettled the basis of this Convention, and thereby permanently disorganized its constitution. Its decrees, therefore, become null and void.

by the Democratic party as a unit. (Cheers.) He wished to consult with other Southern men as to the best course to be pursued-(cheers)-reserving to himself the right to decide the question, which he would do in a few hours. His heart and all the feelings of his nature were with those Southern men who had seen proper to leave the Convention; but, at the same time, he hesitated between his personal feelings and his duty to his own people. If he could get a good sound Southern man for President, he would be willing to take him on this platform. (Cheers.)

The Georgia delegation asked leave to retire for consultation, which was granted.

Messrs. Bayard and Whiteley, two of the six delegates from Delaware, retired from the Convention and joined the seceders.

Mr. Saulsbury, (U. S. Senator,) of Delaware, stated his reason for not retiring with his col leagues, and the Convention adjourned.

On Tuesday, May 1st, the President stated the regular order of business to be the motions to reconsider, and the motions to lay the ro tions to reconsider on the table, by which the various resolutions constituting the Platform were adopted. Pending the determination of these questions, yesterday evening, the chairman of several of the delegations rose to questions of privilege, under which their delegations retired from the hall. When the Convention adjourned the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Merrick) was upon the floor.

GEORGIA RETIRES.

Mr. Benning of Georgia.-Mr. President: On yesterday afternoon the delegation from Georgia obtained the leave of the Convention to retire for the purpose of consulting as to the course they would pursue in consequence of the action taken by the Convention in the previous part of the day. They retired, and they have since been engaged in consultation. They have considered the questions involved, with as much maturity and care as they could be stow upon them, and they have come to a conclusion as te the course they ought to pursue. That conclusion is contained in two resolutions which I hold in my hand, and which I will now read to the Convention.

2d. Because we were positively instructed by the Democracy of Arkansas to insist on the recognition of the equal rights of the South in the common Territories, and protection to those rights by the Federal Government, prior to any nomination of a candidate; and as this Convention has refused to recognize the principle required by the State of Arkansas, in her popular morning, our Chairman be requested to state to the President Resolved, That, upon the opening of the Convention this Convention first, and twice subsequently re-asserted by that the Georgia delegation, after mature deliberation, have Arkansas, together with all her Southern sisters, in the re-felt it be their duty, under existing circumstances, not to parport of a Platform to this Convention; and as we cannot ticipate further in the deliberations of the Convention, and serve two masters, we are determined first to serve the that, therefore, the delegation withdraw. Lord our God. We cannot ballot for any candidate whatsoever.

Sd. In retiring, we deny to any person, or persons, any right whatever to cast hereafter, in this Convention, either our vote or the vote of Arkansas on any proposition which may, or can, possibly come up for consideration. The Delegates of Arkansas cannot take any part in placing a sound cand date on an unsound platform, because it would disgrace any sound Southern man who would consent to stand on such a platform; and, as a Squatter Sovereignty Platform has been adopted, we believe good faith and honor requires that the Chief of Squatter Sovereignty should be placed on it. We wish

no part or lot in such misfortune, nor do we believe that we can safely linger under the shade of the upas tree, this day planted certainly.

P. JORDAN,
B. BURROW,
VAN H. MANNING.

Mr. Burrow stated, after reading the paper, that the gentlemen who had signed represented both wings of the State-all its public men, its hopes, it character, and its fortunes.

Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, as Chairman of the Arkansas delegation, desired to say a single word to go along with the paper which had been read. It was his desire that that portion of the Arkansas delegation who had concluded to leave the Convention should have paused until the delegation could have had a consultation. Why did he hesitate? It was because he conceived that the stability of the Union itself was involved in the action taken here by the Southern representatives.

He had been taught from childhood to believe that if the Union was to be preserved at all, it was to be preserved

Resolved, That all who acquiesce in the foregoing resolution sign the same, and request the Convention to enter it on thetr records.

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This paper is signed by twenty-six out of the thirty-three or thirty-four de'egates in that Convention from the State of Georgia.

I have now, Mr. President, discharged the duty which has been intrusted to me by my delegation.

The majority of the Georgia delegation then retired from the hall.

Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas.-I do not desire to detain this Convention for a moment. On yesterday evening I stated to the Convention that I should come here this morning and tell them what was my conclusion, and what was the conclusion of the portion of the delegation from the State of Arkansas which then thought proper to re main in the Convention. We are now ready to take that step which our judgment dictates to be right. In accord. ance with our duty here, we wanted time to pause and

consider calmly with our sister Southern States, in rela- | tories, by inaction, unfriendly legislation or otherwise, should tion to the proper course to be pursued. We have calmly and with deliberation considered the matter, and we believe it to be an imperative duty which we owe to the South, and we are ready to take our course.

Now, sir, I desire to appeal to Virginia, the mother of States, and the mother of Democracy, and to ask them whether the principle contained in the majority report of this Convention, signed by seventeen States, is right or is wrong? Did you indorse it, or did you not?

Mr. Smith, of Wisconsin, raised the question of order, that the gentleman had no right to make sectional appeals

in this Convention.

Mr. Johnson.-I desire to do no such thing. I do not understand the principles of the majority report to be sectional. I understand them to be national. But, Mr. President, I only desire, in behalf of a portion of the delegates, to say that we came here with a view to stand by the principles of our people and of the Union, and when we have found the Convention acting in violation of those principles, we feel ourselves compelled to retire from the Hall. I will only remark in conclusion, that the Vice-President from my State has been charged with presenting a protest on the part of a portion of our declaration. Mr. Terry, of Arkansas, then read the following paper

to the Convention :

To the HON. CALEB CUSHING, President:

The undersigned, Delegates from Arkansas, ask permis-
sion to make the following statement: We have, thus far,
abstained from taking any active part in the measures
which were consummated on yesterday, in this Conven-
tion, by the withdrawal, in whole or in part, of several
Southern States. We have counseled our Southern friends
to patience and forbearance; and, while we were con-
scious of causes sufficient to induce them to this step, yet
we still hoped some more auspicious event would transpire
that would avert its necessity. Nothing has occurred to
palliate these causes. Hence we cannot hesitate in our
course, and therefore ask permission to withdraw and sur-
render to our State the high trust reposed in us. To you,
sir, who have with so much ability presided over our
deliberations, and meted out justice with an even hand, we
part with sorrow. Hoping that the cloud which now hangs
over our beloved country may be dispelled, and her coun-
sels directed by some statesman like yourself-able, honest,
just and true.
FRANCIS TERRY, Vice-President.

J. P. JOHNSON, Ch'n of Delegation.
F. W. HOADLEY, Secretary.
CHARLESTON, May 1st, 1860.
The Tennessee Delegation asked and obtained
leave to retire for consultation.

The Delegation from Virginia, and portions of the Delegations from Kentucky, North Carolina and Maryland, had leave to retire for consultation.

Mr. Flournoy, of Arkansas.-May I be indulged in one remark? My voice is "Never give up the ship"-(applause)-though the fearful storm rages around us though she may have lost some spars and masts-though she may have some cracked ribs. Sir, for myself, I will be one of that gallant crew who, though the storm rages, though the spars and masts are gone, though ribs be broken -I will, until the noble vessel be swallowed up by the devouring waves, continue to unite with them in the reiterated cry of "Live, live the Republic!" (Great applause.) Mr. President, I am a Southern man. Yes, sir, I have been reared amidst the institution. All I have is the product of slave labor. I believe the institution a patriarchal one, and beneficial alike to master and slave. The bread which supports my own wife and tender babe is the product of slave labor. I trust, then, that, like Caesar's wife, I am "above suspicion."

endanger the tenure of such property, or discriminate against it by withholding that pro ection given to other species of proment to interpose, by the active exertion of its constitutional perty in the Territories, it is the duty of the General Governpower, to secure the rights of the slaveholder.

The principles enunciated in the foregoing resolution
are gua: anteed to us by the Constitution of the United
States, and their unequivocal recognition by the Demo-
cracy of the Union we regard as essential, not only to the
integ ity of the party, but to the safety of the States whose
in both of the series of resolutions presented to the Con-
interests are directly involved. They have been embodied
vention by a majority of the States of the Union, and have
been rejected by a numerical vote of the delegates.
The Convention has, by this vote, refused to recognize
the fundamental principles of the Democracy of the State
in obedience to a high sense of duty, to withdraw from
we have the honor to represent, and we feel constrained,
its deliberations, and unanimously to enter our solemn
protest against its action.

the minutes of the Convention, and beg leave to express
We ask that the communication may be spread upon
our appreciation of,the justice and dignity which have
characterized your action as its presiding officer.
[Signed,]
E. LAWRENCE,

A. MOUTON,
JOHN TARLETON,
RICHARD TAYLOR,
EMILE LASTRE,

F. H. HATCH,

A. TALBOT,

B W. PEARCE,

R. A. HUNTER,

D. D. WITHERS.

The undersigned, in explanation of their position, beg leave to annex the following statement, viz.:

Whilst we took the same view with our colleagues, that the platform of principles, as adopted by this Convention, was not what was expected by Louisiana, and desired by ourselves, as sufficient to guard the rights of that State, and of the whole South, under the Constitution, are now unwilling precipitately to retire from the Convention, until all hope of accommodation shall have been exhausted, and until the last moment had arrived, at which, in justice to our own honor, and the interest and dignity of our own State, we would be forced to retire. We, therefore, were opposed to the retirement of the delegation at the time it was made; but believing that the other members of the delegation were actuated by the same high motives which governed our own opinions, and desiring our State to present a firm, undivided front, we being in the minority of the delegation, were willing to yield, and did yield, our opinions to the judgment of the majority. J. A. MCHATTON, CHARLES JONES,

CHARLESTON, S. C,, May 1, 1860.

A VOICE FROM GEORGIA. Mr. Gaulder, of Georgia, addressed the Convention, giving his reasons for not retiring with his colleagues, as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW DEMOCRATS: As I stated to you a few moments ago, have been confined to my room by severe indisposition, but, learning of the commotion and the intense excitement which were existing upon the questions before this body, I felt it to be my duty, feeble as I was, to drag myself out to the meeting of my delegation, and when there I was surprised to find a large majority of that delegation voting to secede at once from this body. I disagree with those gentlemea. I regret to disagree with my brethren from the South upon any of the great questions which interest our common country. I am a Southern States' Rights man; I am an African Slave-trader. I am one of those Southern men who believe that Slavery is right, morally, religiously, socially, and politically. (Applause) I believe that the institution of Slavery has done more for this country, mo: e for civilization, than all other interests put together. I believe if it were in the power of this country to st ike down the institution of Slavery, it would put civilization back 200 years. Holding, then, this position, that Slavery is right in the point of view I ment our whole rights in this regard. I believe that the have stated, I would demand of the General GovernGeneral Government by the Constitution never had any right to legislate upon this subject. I believe that our Government was a confederation of States for certain specified objects with limited powers; that the domestic relations of each State are to be and should be left to Resolved, That the Territories of the United States belong to themselves; that this eternal Slavery question has been the several States as their common property, and not to indi- the bone of contention between the North and South, vidual citizens thereof, that the Federal Constitution recognizes property in slaves; and as such, the owner thereof is entitled to which if kept in the halls of Congress must break up this Government. I am one of those who believe in nongarry hir deveni ay frritory in the United States; to hold then chers as property, and in case the people of the Terri-intervention, either in the States or the Territories.

LOUISIANA WITHDRAWS.

TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Democratic Conventior:
SIR: The undersigned delegates from the State of
Louisiana, in withdrawing from the Convention, beg leave
to make the following statement of facts:

On the 5th day of March, 1860, the Democracy of Louisiana assembled in State Convention at Baton Rouge, and unanimously adopted the following declaration of their principles:

"When the devil was sick,

The devil a monk would be:
The devil got well,

But devil a monk was he."

(Great laughter.)

(Applause.) I am not in favor of breaking up this Gov-| buy better negroes for $50 apiece. (Great laughter.) ernment upon an impracticable issue, upon a mere Now, unquestionably, it is to the interest of Virginia to theory I believe that this doctrine of protection to break down the African slave-trade when she can sell Slavery in the Territories is a mere theory, a mere ab- her negroes at $2,000. She knows that the African slavest action. (Applause.) Practically, it can be of no con- trade would break up her monopoly, and hence her obsequence to the South, for the reason that the infant has jection to it. If any of you Northern Democrats-for I been strangled before it was born. (Laughter.) You have more faith in you than I have in the Carpet-Knight have cut off the supply of Slaves; you have crippled the Democracy of the South-will go home with me to my institution of Slavery in the States by your unjust laws, plantation in Georgia, but a little way from here, I will and it is mere folly and madness now to ask for protec- show you some darkies that I bought in Maryland, some tion for a nonentity, for a thing which is not there. We that I bought in Virginia, some in Delaware, some in have no slaves to carry to these Territories. We can Florida, some in North Carolina, and I will also show never make another Slave State with our present supply you the pure African, the noblest Roman of them all. of slaves. But if we could, it would not be wise, for the (Great laughter.) Now, Fellow-Democrats, my feeble reason, that if you make another Slave State from our health and failing voice, admonish me to bring the few new Territories with the present supply of slaves, you remarks I have to make to a close. (Cries of "Go on, will be obliged to give up another State, either Maryland, go on.") I am only sorry that I am not in a better con Delaware, or Virginia, to Free Soil upon the North. dition than I am to vindicate before you to-day the Now, I would deal with this question, fellow-Democrats, words of truth, of honesty, and of right, and to show as a practical one. When I can see no possible practical you the gross inconsistencies of the South in this regard. good to result to the country from demanding legislation I came from the First Congressional District of the State vpon this theory, I am not prepared to disintegrate and of Georgia. I represent the African Slave-trade interaismember the great Democratic party of this Union. I ests of that section. (Applause.) I am proud of the believe that the hopes of this country depend upon the position I occupy in that respect. I believe that the maintenance of the great Democratic party North. It African slave-trader is a true missionary, and a true is no trouble for a man to be a saint in Heaven. Christian (applause), and I have pleaded with my delegation from Georgia to put this issue squarely to the Northern Democracy, and say to them, Are you prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your unconstitutional restrictions and leave this question to be settled by each State? Now do this, fellow-citizens, and you will have peace in the country. But so long as your Federal Legislature takes jurisdiction of this question, so long will there be war, so long will there be illblood, so long will there be strife, until this glorious Union of ours shall be disrupted and go out in blood and night forever. I advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the African Slave-trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement. I do not believe that sections whose interests are so different as the Southern and Northern States can ever stand the shocks of fanati cism, unless they be equally balanced. I believe by reopening this trade, and giving us negroes to populate the Territories, that the equilibrium of the two sections will be maintained. But if the South lies supinely by, and allows the people of the North to people all the Territories, until we come to be a hopeless fraction in the Government, then that gallant band of Democrats North may in vain attempt to stay the torrent that will roll down upon us. It will not be in your power to do it. It should be the object of the South now to say to the North: Let us have all our rights in this matter; let us take off these restrictions against the African Slave-trade, and leave it to each State to settle for itself. Then we would want no protection, and then I would be willing to les you have as much Squatter Sovereignty as you wish. Give us an equal chance, and I tell you the institution of Slavery will take care of itself. We will give you all the Squatter Sovereignty that the North can desire, Mr. Douglas, or anybody else, if you will take off the unconstitutional restrictions on the Slave-trade and let the negroes come. Then, gentlemen, we should proceed harmoniously, go on to prosper and prospering, until the last trump of God should sound; until time was merged in the ocean of eternity. (Applause.) I say, Fellow-Democrats, that I remained here because I have great faith in the Northern Democracy. If I am forced to part with you, it will be with a bleeding heart. I know not exactly what position I occupy here (laughter), for the majority of my delegation have voted to secede. We came here instructed to vote as a unit Whether the minority are bound to go out with the majority is a question which I have not yet fully deter mined in my own mind, but at any rate, I told them this morning, and I tell them now, I will not go out yet; I intend to stay here; I intend to hold on to the great Democratic Party of the Union so long as I can consist

We, the Democracy of the South, are mere carpetknights. It is no trouble for us to be Democrats (Applause and laughter.) When I look to the Northern Democrats, I see them standing up there and breasting the tide of fanaticism, oppression, wrong, and slander, with which they have to contend. I view in these men types of the old ancient Romans; I view in them all that is patriotic and noble; and, for one, I am not willing to cut loose from them (Great cheering.) I say, then, that I will hold on to my Democratic friends of the North to the last day of the week-late in the evening. (Great laughter.) I am not willing to present to them a half issue of this sort. I am not willing to disintegrate, dismember, and turn them over to the ruthless hands of the thieving Black Republicans of the North. I would ask my friends of the South to come up in a proper spirit, ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves from foreign lands. As a matter of right and justice to the South, I would ask the Democracy of the North to grant us this thing, and I believe they have the patriotism and honesty to do it, because it is right in itself I tell you, fellow-Democrats, that the African Slave-trader is the true Union man (Cheers and laughter.) I tell you that the Slave-trading of Virginia is more immoral, more unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave-trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his posterity down the stream of time to join in the blessings of civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, fellow-Democ ats, so far as any public expression of the State of Virginia-the great Slave-trading State of Virginia has been given, they are all opposed to the African Slavet-rade.

Dr. Reed of Indiana.-I am from Indiana, and I am in

favor of it.

Mr. Gaulden-Now, gentlemen, we are told, upon high authority, that there is a certain class of men who strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. Now, Virginia, which authorizes the buying of Christian men, separating them from their wives and children, from all the relations and associations amid whom they have lived for years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa, buy a savage, and introduce him to the blessings of civilization and Christianity. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Rynders of N. Y.-You can get one or two re-ently with honor and propriety, for I believe that if we cruits from New-York to join with you.

The President.-The time of the gentleman has expired. (Cries of "Go on! Go on !")

The President-stated that if it was the unanimous wish of the Convention, the gentleman could proceed. Mr. Gaulden.-Now, Fellow-Democrats, the slaverade in Virginia forms a mighty and powerful reason for its opposition to the African slave-trade, and in this remark I do not intend any disrespect to my friends from Virginia. Virginia, the Mother of States and of statesmen, the Mother of Presidents, I apprehend may err as well as other mortals. I am afraid that her error in this regard lies in the promptings of the almighty dollar. It has been my fortune to go into that noble old State to buy a few darkies, and I have had to pay from $1,000 to $2,000 a head, when I could go to Africa and

break up in a row here, and the Democratic Party of the country is destroyed, this Union falls as certainly as the sun rises and sets. I warn you, seceders, if your action here to-day should have the effect of dismember. ing and destroying the great Democratic Party of the North, that you destroy this Government beyond all question (applause); and the Union falls, and falls forever! Now, I am not a disunionist. I love this Union for the memories of the past and for the hopes of the future. (Applause.) The blood of my ancestors was poured out around this city and throughout the South to rear aloft the proud banner of our glorious Union. I, as an humble descendant of theirs, feel bound to maintain this Union and the Constitution so long, and no longer than I can do it honorably and justly to myself and my country. But I do not yet despair of the Republic. En

tertaining, as I do, such profound respect, nay, almost veneration for the justice of the Democracy of the North, I will yet stand by you for a time. I will do all that in me lies to heal these differences. I trust that the

result of our deliberations will be the nomination of such a man as will give peace to the country and success to the great Democratic National Party of the Union. (Great applause.)

On the 3d of May, and the 10th day of the session, Mr. Russell, of Virginia, offered the following:

Resolved, That when this Convention adjourns to-day it adjourn to re-assemble at Baltimore, Md., on Monday the 18th day of June, and that it be respectfully recoinmended to the Democratic party of the several States te make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention when it shall reassemble. (Applause.)

The Convention having decided to proceed to ballot for President, at 4 PM, Wm. Howard, of Tennessee, moved that two-thirds (202) of a full Convention (303) be required to nominate. After the failure of attempts to change the which, after much discussion and confusion, was place of meeting to New-York, Philadelphia, adopted-141 to 112-as follows: etc., and also to change the time to a later peYEAS:-Maine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 24;riod, the resolve was adopted-195 to 55-as New-York, 35; New-Jersey 5; Pennsylvania, 17; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 1; Missouri, 44; Tennessee, 11; Ken- YEAS:-Maine, 5; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; tucky, 11; Minnesota, 14; California, 4; Oregon, 3-141. Massachusetts, 10; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; New NAYS:-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 5; Verinont, 5; York, 35; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 234; Maryland, Massachusetts, 44; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 84; 5; Virginia, 144; Arkansas, 1; Missouri, 6; Tennessee, New-Jersey, 1; Pennsylvania, 9; Maryland, 2; Ar-7; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wiskansas, 1; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1: Kentucky, 1; consin, 5; Iowa 4, Minnesota, 4; California 3-195. Ohio, 28; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wis- NAYS:-Maine, 3; Connecticut, 8; New-Jersey, 5; consin. 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 2-112. Pennsylvania, 3; Maryland, 3; Virginia, ; North-Caro

Candidates were put in nomination, and the Convention proceeded to ballot, as follows:

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follows:

lina, 14, Missouri, 8; Tennessee, 5; Kentucky, 2—35.

Gen. Cushing. the President, made a brief speech, and the Convention adjourned to meet again in Baltimore, on the 18th of June succeeding.

SECEDERS.

The retiring delegates met at St. Andrew's Hall, and were waited on with manifestations of sympathy by a portion of the Wood Delegation, from New-York, who, however, were not invited or admitted to seats. The seceders organized by the appointment of Senator James A. Bayard, of Delaware, as Chairman, and, after much animated discussion, adopted the following Platform:

Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory Resolutions:

First, That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.

Second, That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect when necessary the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends.

Third, That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admit ted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery.

Fourth, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

Fifth, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Sixth, That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.

Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a Political, Commercial, Postal and Military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts. Therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill to the extent of the Constitutional authority of Congress for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable mumsat.

Prior to the adjournment of the Convention, two princi

After talking for four days, the Seceders' Con- business, as they now come up for consideration before vention adjourned to meet in Richmond, Vir-you. ginia, on the second Monday in June. Delegates were present from the following States: Alabama, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware.

pal subjects of action were before it. One, the adoption of the doctrinal resolutions constituting the platform of the Convention; the other, voting upon the question of the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency.

In the course of the discussion on the adoption of a platform, the Convention adopted a vote, the effect of which was to amend the report of the majority of the Committee on Platform by substituting the report of the minority of that Committee; and after the adoption of THE SECEDERS AT RICHMOND. that motion, and the substitution of the minority for the majority report, a division was called for upon the According to adjournment, the Seceding several resolutions constituting that platform, being five delegates met at Richmond, Va., on the 11th in number. The 1st, 3d, 4th and 5th of those resolutions June. Delegates were present from Alabama, were adopted by the Convention, and the 2d was rejected. Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, After the vote on the adoption of the 1st, 3d, 4th and 5th of those resolutions, a motion was made in each case to South Carolina, Florida, 2d Congressional Dis-reconsider the vote, and to lay that motion of reconsidtrict of Tennessee, and the 7th Electoral District eration upon the table. But neither of those motions to of Virginia. The Hon. John Erwin, of Alabama, reconsider or to lay on the table was put, the putting of those motions having been prevented by the intervention was chosen President, with several Vice-Presi- of questions of privilege, and the ultimate vote competent dents and Secretaries. The Convention adopted in such case, to wit, on the adoption of the report of the the following resolutions, and on the 12th, at majority as amended by the report of the minority, had not been acted upon by the Convention. So that at the 12 o'clock, adjourned: time when the Convention adjourned there remained pending before it these motions, to wit; To reconsiderthe resolutions constituting the platform, and the ulterior question of adopting the majority as amended by the substitution of the minority report. Those questions, and those only, as the Chair understood the motions before the Convention, were not acted upon prior to the adjourn.

Resolved, That as the delegation from States represented in this Convention are assembled upon the basis of the platform recommended by a majority of the States at Charleston, which we indorse, we deem it unnecessary to take any further action on the subject at the present

time.

Resolved, That when this Convention adjourn it adjourn to meet in this city on Thursday, the 21st inst.; provided that the President of this Convention may call it together at an earlier or a later day, if it be deemed

necessary.

ment.

After the disposition of the intervening questions of privilege, a motion was made by Mr. McCook, of Ohio, ta proceed to vote for candidates for President and VicePresident. Upon that motion, the Convention instructed the Chair (not, as has been erroneously supposed, in the The Convention reassembled on the 21st; Convention, but the Convention instructing the Chair) to recess of the Convention, the Chair determining for the but, without doing any business, adjourned to make no declaration of a nomination except upon a vote the following day, and so continued to meet and equivalent to two-thirds in the Electoral College of the adjourn, awaiting the action of the Convention United States, and upon that balloting, no such vote being given, that order was, upon the motion of the gentleat Baltimore, till after the nomination of Breck-man from Virginia (Mr. Russell), laid on the table, for the inridge and Lane; when such of the Delegates purpose of enabling him to propose a motion, which he as had not joined the Seceders in Baltimore, subsequently did, that the Convention adjourn from the adopted the candidates and platform of the city of Charleston to the city of Baltimore, and with a Breckinridge party, and adjourned sine die.

provision concerning the filling of vacancies embraced in the same resolution, which resolution the Secretary will please read.

The Secretary read the resolution as follows: "Resolved, That when this Convention adjourns to-day, it THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVEN-adjourn to reassemble at Baltimore, Md., on Monday, the 18th TION AT BALTIMORE.

In accordance with the adjournment at Charleston, the National Democratic Convention reassembled at Baltimore, on Monday the 18th June, and held their sessions in the Front street theatre.

day of June, and that it be respectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States, to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegates to this Convention when it shall reassemble."

The President.-The Convention will thus perceive that the order adopted by it provided, among other things, that it is respectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States to make provisions for sup plying all vacancies in their respectives delegation to this Convention when it shall reassemble. What is the conAt eleven o'clock, President Cushing, who appeared on struction of that resolution ?-what is the scope of its apthe platform, but did not take the chair, directed the Se-plication ?-is a question not for the Chair to determine cretary to call the roll of States in order to ascertain if the delegates were present.

or to suggest to the Convention, but for the Convention itself to determine.

On the calling of the roll, the following States were However that may be, in the preparatory arrangements found to be fully represented: Maine, New-Hampshire, for the present assembling of this Convention, there were Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New-York, New-addressed to the Chair the credentials of members elected, Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, California, Oregon.

Connecticut was represented in part, there being some misunderstanding as to the hour of meeting, which had been fixed at 10 o'clock.

or purporting to be elected, affirmed and confirmed by the original Conventions and accredited to this Convention. In three of those cases, or perhaps four, the credentials were authentic and complete, presen ing no question of controverting delegates. In four others, to wit-the States of Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Dele ware there were contesting applications. Upon those applications the Chair was called to determine whether it possessed any power to determine prima facie membership of this Convention. That question was presented

Two delegates were present from Delaware. When the State of South Carolina was called, the Chair directed that only those States be called which were present at the adjournment of the Convention at Charles ton, consequently South Carolina, Georgia, Florida.'n its most absolute and complete form in the case of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas, were not called.

In consequence of a misapprehension as to the time, the President delayed calling the Convention to order till 12 o'clock, when he took the chair and said:

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: Permit me, in the first place, to congratulate you upon your being reassembled here for the discharge of your important duties in the interests of the Democratic party of the United States; and I beg leave, in the second place, to communicate to the Convention the state of the various branches of its

Mississippi, where there was no contest either through irregularity of form or of competing delegations, and so also in the cases of Florida, Texas and Arkansas. In those four States, there being an apparent authenticity of commission, the Chair was called upon to determine the naked, abstract question whether he had power, per emptorily and preliminarily, to determine the prima facie membership of alleged members of this Convention. The Chair would gladly have satisfied himself that he had this power, but upon examining the source of his power, to

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