thaniel B. Borden of Fall River, an antislavery Whig and former member of Congress, who gracefully yielded to the wishes of a majority of his Whig constituents, as expressed in a memorial, circulated through the tireless efforts of James Buffinton. Of the twenty-three Democrats, it is believed that Israel Haynes of Sudbury finally gave his vote for Mr. Sumner.

The result of the vote was hailed with marked demonstrations of delight, and the Free-Soilers who had doubted the wisdom of the arrangement rejoiced in its success. In the evening an immense meeting was held in State Street, at which congratulatory speeches were made by Thomas Russell, Joseph Lyman, and Henry Wilson. This meeting then moved to the house of Mr. Sumner, but he had retired to the home of a friend in Cambridge, preferring to avoid the anticipated demonstrations of victory. The joyous crowd then went to the house of Mr. Adams, who addressed them, saying: "I am glad of the opportunity to congratulate my friends upon the glorious triumphs of liberty in the election of Mr. Sumner." But Mr. Sumner was by no means ungrateful to his friends for their long and persistent support. In a letter to Mr. Wilson, written on the day after his election, he disowned and warmly expressed his deprecation of the idea of seeming "cold and churlish in thus withdrawing from all the public manifestations of triumph to which our friends are prompted," saying that by so doing he was only following "the line of reserve he had pursued throughout the contest. To Mr. Wilson's share in the contest he thus referred: "To your ability, energy, determination, and fidelity our cause owes its present success. For weal or woe, you must take the responsibility of having placed me in the Senate of the United States. I am prompted to add, that while you have done all this I have never heard from you a single suggestion of a selfish character, looking in any way to any good to yourself; your labors have been as disinterested as they have been effective."

Opprobrious epithets were plentifully bestowed upon those who planned and participated in the coalition. But the results abundantly vindicated both the principle and the policy of

that movement. By it was placed in the Senate of the United States one who has borne a conspicuous part in the councils of the nation and rendered large service to the cause of freedom. By it was elected to the same high station, though for a brief period, Robert Rantoul, Jr., who, though a member of the Democratic party, was a gentleman of recognized ability and clearly pronounced antislavery convictions, so pronounced that he lost caste with his party and was discarded therefor. It sent, too, or aided in sending, Charles Allen, Horace Mann, Orrin Fowler, and Robert Rantoul, Jr., to the House of Representatives for the XXXIId Congress. Conscious of the purity of their motives and aims, and gratified and satisfied with the result, the advocates of the coalition turned from the hasty and harsh denunciations of the present, and appealed with assured confidence to the calmer judgments of the future. To those charges of "bargain and corruption" that were then so freely made against the Free Soil leaders Horace Mann replied. Referring to a similar charge, which had been made against the administration of John Quincy Adams, he said: "I believe the same charge against the Free Soil party will have come twenty years hence to the same result, that of conferring honor upon its object and infamy upon its authors."

CHAPTER XXVIII.

FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT IN CONGRESS.

Caucuses of both parties. — Resolutions indorsing the compromise measures. — Debate thereon. Linn Boyd, Speaker.Foote's resolution. Petition of the Friends for repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act. - Sumner's amendment and speech. The Fugitive Slave act defended by Clemens, Badger, Dodge, Douglas, Weller, Bright, Dixon, Clay, Butler, Mason, and Pettit. -Sumner's rejoinder.

THE XXXIID Congress met for its first session in December, 1851. The panic-makers demanding congressional indorsement of the compromise measures, there were caucuses of both parties to discuss and decide upon the policy to be adopted. In a caucus of two thirds of the Democratic members of the House, a resolution indorsing these measures, introduced by Mr. Polk of Tennessee, was, with a proposition to refer the matter to the next national convention, laid upon the table. A caucus of a little less than one half of the Whig members was held on the morning of the first day's session, and a resolution indorsing the measures was adopted. On the assembling of the House a brief debate sprang up on the action of those preliminary meetings. James Brooks of New York, announcing the action of the Whigs, by which they presented an harmonious and united front to the country, said it was dangerous for the Democratic party, with its large majorities, to organize the House by pandering to the abolition Democracy of the North or slavery Democracy of the South. Orrin Fowler of Massachusetts denied the binding obligation of the caucus resolution, and revealed the fact that one third of the members present wished to lay it on the table.

The debate at once elicited and exhibited the party tactics that controlled the nation, showing not only the disposition of the slave-masters to dictate terms to the rival parties, but the anxi

ety of party leaders to conciliate and control the political strength of the slave-masters. Thus Mr. Cabell of Florida expressed his thanks to God that the Whigs had taken their position, and he intimated that those who seceded from the caucus were no longer Whigs; while Mr. Meade of Virginia denounced the action of the Whigs as a trick,- an attempt to impose their "rotten party" and its principles on the South. During the continuance of the debate, a Southern Democrat paraded the fact that eighty-two Democrats and only twentysix Whigs voted for the Fugitive Slave Act; that of fifty Northern Democrats twenty-eight voted for it, while of seventy-six Northern Whigs only three voted for the measure.

Linn Boyd of Kentucky, who had distinguished himself by his earnest advocacy of the compromise measures, was elected Speaker. President Fillmore, in his message, referred to his previous annual message, reiterated its sentiments and recommendations, and congratulated Congress and the country on the general acquiescence in these measures of "conciliation and peace."

Soon after the assembling of Congress, Mr. Foote of Mississippi introduced into the Senate a resolution declaring the measures of adjustment to be a final settlement of questions growing out of the existence of slavery. Several speeches were made upon the resolution, but it was never brought to a vote. Resolutions were introduced into the House, substantially to the same effect, by Jackson and Hillyer of Georgia, where they were adopted by decisive majorities.

On the 26th of May, Mr. Sumner presented a petition from the Society of Friends in New England, asking that the Fugitive Slave Act should be repealed; but there were only ten votes for its consideration. On the 27th of July, he submitted a resolution requesting the Committee on the Judiciary to consider the expediency of reporting a bill for the immediate repeal of that Act. The consideration of the resolution was opposed by Mr. Mason of Virginia and Mr. Brooks of Mississippi, who asserted that such a measure would dissolve the Union, and only ten Senators were prepared to vote therefor.

In the Senate, on the 26th of August, he moved to amend the civil and diplomatic bill, so as to provide that no allowance should be made for expenses incurred in the execution of the Fugitive Slave Act, and that such act be repealed. In his speech on their introduction he alluded to the immeasurable importance of the slavery issue, dwarfing all others, and constantly casting its shadow across those halls. Referring to the impotent and inconsistent attempts of the propagandists to enforce silence, while always provoking discussion, he denounced the attempt to repress the liberty of speech, protested against the wrong, and claimed the right to be heard on slavery, as on every other subject. "The convictions of the heart," he said, "cannot be repressed. The utterances of conscience must be heard. They break forth with irrepressible might. As well attempt to check the tides of the ocean, the currents of the Mississippi, or the rushing waters of Niagara. The discussion of slavery will proceed wherever two or three are gathered together, by the fireside, on the public highway, at the public meeting, in the church. The movement against slavery is from the Everlasting Arm. Even now it is gathering its forces, soon to be confessed everywhere. It may not yet be felt in the high places of office and power, but all who can put their ears humbly to the ground will hear and comprehend its incessant and advancing tread."

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He arraigned the enactment in the name of the Constitution it violated, of the country it dishonored, of the humanity it degraded, of the Christianity it offended, and affirmed that every attribute of God united against it. Referring to the requirements of the Act that every citizen, when summoned, should aid and assist in its prompt and efficient execution, he boldly affirmed that "by the supreme law which commands me to do no injustice, by the comprehensive Christian law of brotherhood, by the Constitution which I am sworn to support, I am bound to disobey this Act." He closed his speech with an earnest demand for the repeal of an act so incompatible with every dictate of truth and every requirement of justice. In the words of Oriental adjuration, he said: “Beware of the wounds of the wounded souls. Oppress not to the ut