was sown thick with quickly springing dragons' teeth. For hardly have the shouts of victory from Buena Vista and the palaces of the Montezumas died away, and the bugle of truce. sounded the notes of recall to our squadrons, hardly have our eagles folded their returning wings, when our ears are pierced by shricks, within our own borders, of discord, dissension, and disunion, and threatened civil war." When, however, he came to speak of Mr. Webster's speech, his admiration of its author was far more manifest than his censure of its treachcry. With much adulation, the severest condemnation ho could pronounce was that, while there may have been in it some conclusions to which his own way was not exactly clear, yet in the spirit in which he spoke he most cordially and heartily concurred. "Whether my difference with him," he said, "upon any of the points involved is not more seeming than substantial, I leave for others to decide; but of one thing I am sure, that my tongue shall sooner cling to the roof of my mouth than it shall join in the temporary clamor which malignity has raised against him." On the 23d of April, Mr. Winthrop of Massachusetts made a very able and adroit speech, in which he attempted to reconcile his former votes in favor of the Wilmot proviso with the new policy and new departure he was about to adopt. Ostensibly, and, no doubt, sincerely, he spoke in behalf of patriotism and union. "One tic, however," he said, "I am persuaded, still remains to us all, a common devotion to the union of these States, and a common determination to sacrifice everything but principle to its preservation. Our responsibilities are, indeed, great. This vast republic, stretching from sca to sea, and rapidly outgrowing everything but our affections, looks anxiously to us to take care that it receives no detriment. Nor is it too much to say that the eyes and * hearts of the friends of constitutional freedom throughout the world are at this moment turned eagerly here- more eagerly than ever before to behold an example of successful republican institutions, and to see them come out safely and triumphantly from the fiery trial to which they are now subjected." CHAPTER XX. COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850. United States Senate. Foote's resolutions. - Hale's amendment. Slave Act. President's message. - Speech of Mr. Cass. — Clay's eight resolations.Foote's protest. Jefferson Davis. Mr. Cass's speech. · Speeches of Clay, Houston, Berrien, and Benton. Bell's resolutions. Calhoun's speech read. Considered. Webster's 7th of March speech. His defection. Occasions great disappointment. — His course. --- -- THOUGH the sharp and protracted struggle in the House on the question of the Speakership, the extreme opinions advanced in the speeches of Southern men, and the sudden and alarming changes in the votes of Northern members, had attracted the deep attention of the country, the great interest of the nation was concentrated on the Senate. The presence in that body of so many men of age, eminent ability, and long experience in public affairs, naturally excited in the minds of the people a desire to learn the views they entertained and the policy they proposed to pursue. A On the 27th of December, Mr. Foote introduced a resolution declaring it to be the duty of Congress to provide Territorial governments for California, Deseret, and New Mexico. few days later, Mr. Hale offered an amendment securing to the inhabitants of these Territories those privileges and liberties guaranteed to the citizens of the Northwest by the ordinance of 1787. To Mr. Foote's remark that he was opposed to putting "the yoke of the Wilmot proviso on the necks of freemen," Mr. Hale replied that he too "would keep the yoke off the necks of the people." On the 4th of January, 1850, Mr. Mason of Virginia introduced into the Senate a bill to carry out more effectually the provision of the Constitution in relation to fugitives from service or labor, and asked thereon a speedy report from the Committee on the Judiciary. This was the famous Fugitive Slave Act, which was subsequently adopted, and which excited so much feeling in the free States. On the 16th of the same month, Mr. Benton introduced a bill to reduce the boundaries of the State of Texas to an area of one hundred and fifty thousand square miles. On the same day, Mr. Foote introduced a bill providing Territorial governments for California, Deseret, and New Mexico; and for the formation of a new State, with the consent of Texas, to be called Jacinto. In support of his bill he spoke with great vehemence, and condemned in unmeasured terms, not only the people of the free States, but Mr. Benton, whom he characterized as the Catiline of the Senate, "the leader who had scattered confusion and discord through the Democratic ranks." He also characterized his bill as treason to the South, because it would open again the agitation of the Wilmot proviso in regard to a portion of Texas, all of which had been secured by the annexation resolution. He closed with a vehement invective against Mr. Benton, who, he said, was more responsible than any man, living or dead, for the then present unhappy state of things. On the 21st of January, the President sent a message to Congress in reply to a resolution calling for information. In it he made the statement that, in the absence of legislative authority, he had not felt authorized to disturb the arrangement entered into by his predecessor, Mr. Polk; that he had freely communicated to the two Territories his wish that they might express their unbiassed desires in their respective constitutions, to be submitted to Congress; that, being admitted under such constitutions, the agitating questions could be quietly settled and peace restored; and that the rejection of the application of California for any reason outside of herself would be an invasion of her rights. On the next day, a memorial was presented from the legislative council of Deseret for admission into the Union. Both it and Mr. Foote's resolution were referred to the Committee on Territories. On the same day, Mr. Cass, the defeated Democratic candidate for the Presidency in 1848, made a very able speech, which attracted much attention. Its sentiments, his high position in both the party and the government, and the commanding influence at that time of party leaders with the rank and file, contributed to this result. He stigmatized the resolution introduced by Mr. Foote as "an abstract one, calling for no actual legislation." He opposed Mr. Hale's amendment, maintained that it was both unconstitutional and inexpedient, and avowed his purpose to take no part in placing that "barren" proviso on the statute-books. He had, however, been instructed by the legislature of his State to vote for the measure, though opposed to it himself. As he recog nized the right of instructions, he, found himself in the dilemma of being compelled either to vote against the instructions of his State or the convictions of his judgment, or to resign his seat in Congress. He avowed his purpose to choose the latter. "When the time comes," he said, " and I am required to vote upon this measure as a practical one, I shall know how to reconcile my duty to the legislature with my duty to myself, by surrendering a trust I can no longer fulfil." On the 29th of January, Mr. Clay presented a series of eight resolutions, as the basis of what he called a compromise for the settlement of pending issues that were distracting and disturbing the country. The resolutions proposed to admit California without reference to slavery; to establish Territorial governments without any restriction or condition; to fix the western boundary of Texas on the Rio Grande; to provide for the payment of the debt of Texas to a limited amount, on condition that she should relinquish her claim to any part of New Mexico; to declare it inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; to prohibit the introduction of slaves into the District to be sold as merchandise or transported to other markets; to make more effectual provision for the recovery of fugitive slaves; and to declare that Congress has no power to prohibit or obstruct the domestic slave-trade between the States. Mr. Clay prefaced the presentation of his resolutions by saying that they proposed an amicable arrangement of all questions in controversy between the free and slave States. He then admitted that there had been some irregularity in adopting the constitution of California, as no enabling act had been passed; but that this condition precedent had been dispensed with in the case of Michigan, and might be again. He maintained that slavery did not exist in the territory acquired from Mexico; and that, from causes entirely independent of legislation, it was not likely to exist there. Texas, he maintained, had "a plausible claim to portions of New Mexico"; and he asserted that "honor, justice, and truth" to her creditors required the assumption of her debts. He was opposed to the abolition of slavery in the District, without the consent of Maryland and of the people of the District, and without compensation. By the abolition of the slave-trade it was not intended to prevent the traffic among its inhabitants; but to prevent the slave-trader of other places from coming into the District "to establish his jails and put on his chains, and sometimes to shock the sensibilitics of our nature by a long train of slaves passing through that avenue from the Capitol to the residence of the chief magistrate." Repeating the remark that he had bestowed upon the subject "the most anxious, intensely anxious consideration," he claimed that his plan was founded upon "a spirit of mutual conciliation and concession." He thought the North should be willing to make greater sacrifices than could be required of the South. And why?" he asked. "With you, gentlemen Senators of the free States, what is it? An abstraction, a sentiment, a sentiment, if you please, of humanity and philanthropy, but a sentiment without danger, hazard, or loss. How is it on the other side? In the first place, there is an almost incalculable amount of property to be sacrificed. And, besides, the social intercourse, habits, safety, life, everything is at hazard." Though he had invoked calm and careful consideration, a sharp debate at once sprung up. Mr. Foote entered an immediate protest, because he said the resolutions only declared it "inexpedient" to abolish slavery in the District, thereby implying that Congress had the "power"; and because they asserted that slavery "did not now exist" in the Mexican territory and "was not likely to go there." But he was some |