the adoption of a reactionary policy. On the 27th of May a meeting was held at the office of Charles Francis Adams. There were present Mr. Adams, Stephen C. Phillips, Charles Sumner, E. Rockwood Hoar, Edward L. Keyes, Francis W. Bird, Edward Walcutt, and Henry Wilson. Though they were not ignorant of the sacrifices implied and involved in their action, they resolved at any and every hazard to abide by their principles. It was unanimously determined, if the convention nominated General Taylor, or any candidate not known by his acts and declared opinions to be opposed to the extension of slavery, that "an organized opposition" should be made and at once begun in Massachusetts. It was agreed to call a State convention of Whigs and of all others who would co-operate in such an effort. On the 5th of June a call, which had been prepared by E. Rockwood Hoar, was agreed upon, and held for signature in the event of General Taylor's nomination. The State of New York had generally exerted a powerful influence on national affairs. Imperial in extent and resources, ably represented by its strong men, occupying a commanding position in the commercial and political world, its voice and votes had ever exerted a large, if not a controlling influence, sometimes for good, but oftener for evil. This was always and necessarily true. But in 1848, and in connection with the presidential election of that year, there were special reasons therefor. Certain causes had produced disaffection with the national Democracy; and a tendency to revolt, which for a long time had been gathering strength, culminated during that year. In addition to general reasons was the special motive afforded by the treatment which Mr. Van Buren had received from the national convention of 1844, and the gross ingratitude of those States to whose interests and institutions he had given such evidences of fealty. Mr. Van Buren had made great sacrifices for the South. Though he signalized the earlier years of his public life by giving his voice and vote, in the legislature of his State, against the admission of Missouri as a slave State, he soon yielded to the reactionary movement which followed that violation of the ordinance of '87, and devoted himself so faithfully to slaveholding interests as to merit and receive the name of "a Northern man with Southern principles." And yet, because he faltered in the single matter of Texan annexation, he was abandoned and deprived of the nomination, which not only he, but a decided majority of his party, desired and expected. This was neither forgotten nor forgiven. It intensified the bitter feud then raging between the "Hunker" and "Barnburner" wings of the New York Democracy, and resulted in the defeat of Silas Wright, whose candidacy for the gubernatorial chair in 1844 had unquestionably secured the electoral vote of the State for Mr. Polk. His death, occurring soon afterward, added to the indignation already felt in view of his defeat and of the means through which that defeat had been accomplished. It was under such circumstances that the primary meetings were held at which delegates were chosen for the Democratic State convention to meet in Syracuse in October, 1847. On the assembling of the convention, it was found that there was a large number of contested seats. An informal agreement was entered into between the leaders of the radical and conservative wings of the party that a temporary organization should be effected, for the purpose of disposing of the "frivolously contested" cases, which, it was understood, were to be forced upon the convention. But that agreement was disregarded by the conservatives, a breach of faith that embittered the minority, and led such men as Preston King, James S. Wadsworth, and other leading " Barnburners" to refuse to act as officers of the convention. Indeed, it was claimed by the New York" Evening Post" that it was only this determi nation to ignore the agreement that gave the conservatives the control of the convention. The Wilmot proviso was the exciting and controlling issue. The discussion was conducted with great spirit and ability. A resolution, prepared by James R. Doolittle, afterward United States Senator from Wisconsin, was offered by David Dudley Field as an amendment to the report of the Committee on Resolutions. This amendment, while promising fidelity to "the compromises of the Constitution" and to "the reserved rights of the States," pledged "uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery into territory now free." Mr. Field made a powerful speech in its support. "I am willing," he said, "that our victorious standard should be borne to the Isthmus of Darien or planted on the highest peak of the Polynesian Islands; but the soil on which it advances must be free! Ay, as free as the untrammelled soil on which we stand!" The amendment was rejected and the resolutions were adopted, though it was claimed that the latter and the nominations were carried not only by an irregularly organized convention, but by a convention without a quorum. Defeated at Syracuse, the radical Democrats met in convention on the 26th of October, at Herkimer, " to avow their principles and consult as to future action." It was strong in numbers, in talent, and in character, both personal and political. Churchill C. Cambreling was made president, John Van Buren was appointed chairman of the Committee on the Address to the People, and David Dudley Field chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. The address began by a recital and condemnation of the action of the Syracuse convention, which, it averred, after "its unjust and arbitrary decisions, sustained by partial reports, . . . . shrunk to a little more than a third of its original size and expired." Adverting to its repression of the true sentiments of the people, and also alluding to the early antislavery history of New York, it claimed that, while that great State was "loyal to the Constitution," it was "true to frecdom." It also referred to the great change which had taken place in public sentiment since the days of the Fathers; and it entered its protest against the promulgation of opinions so abhorrent in themselves, so aggressive in their influence, and leading to "the extension of an institution which is a source of insecurity and poverty in peace and of embarrassment and danger in war." Referring to the fidelity of the Democratic party of New York to the "real rights of the South" as an evidence of its devotion to the Constitution, it pro claimed its purpose to resist aggression from the opposite direction. Having discarded the action at Syracuse, the convention declined to nominate candidates for the ensuing election, leaving the matter in the hands of the people. Mr. Field reported a series of resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. Among them was one which had been rejected at Syracuse, and which pledged the uncompromising hostility of the Democracy of New York to the extension of slavery into free territory, then or thereafter to be acquired. Though defeat followed these dissensions, proceedings equally uncompromising marked the action of that section. of the party in regard to the presidential election, then close at hand. Two sets of delegates were chosen to attend the national nominating convention at Baltimore, cach claiming to be the sole representatives of the party, and the contest was transferred to the wider theatre of the national organization. CHAPTER XI. DEMOCRATIC AND WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1848. Democratic national convention. - Position of the New York delegation. Declaration of the Georgia delegation. Remarks of Dickinson, Smith, Foster, King. Speech of Yancey. Right to take slavery into Territories avowed. Excited debate. Both delegations admitted. — Cass nominated. - Hallett's resolutions. - Minority report by Yancey. -Whig national convention. - Candidates. Conferences. General Campbell's resolution. Taylor's nomination. - Tilden's resolution. - Bingham's resolution. -Allen's declaration. Whig party dissolved. - Ashmun takes issue with Mr. Allen. - Mr. Wilson's declaration. Remarks of Mr. Galloway. - Fillmore's nomination. Position of General Taylor. — Triumph of Slave Power. - On the 22d of May, 1848, the Democratic national convention met at Baltimore. The two rival delegations from New York demanding admission, a long and exciting contest arose. A member from Georgia offered a resolution for the appointment of a committee on credentials of one from each State, excepting New York, which should be entitled to two members. Mr. Hannagan of Indiana proposed that the resolution be laid upon the table, to enable him to move that each delegate should pledge himself to support the nominee of the convention. Mr. Yancey of Alabama then moved to amend the resolution by striking out so much as related to New York. Speaking for the delegates chosen at Utica, Preston King deprecated the consignment of the question to a secret committee room, and distinctly avowed that they would never consent to have their claims passed upon without the fullest examination. Daniel S. Dickinson, speaking for the delegates chosen at Syracuse, expressed his willingness to trust their case to "twenty-nine Democratic sisters." An organization was effected by the choice of Andrew Stevenson of Virginia as president. On the motion to retain the two-thirds rule, it was urged that there should be delay |