will be war, we can say of the Republic, the attempt of a foreign power to secure a footing upon this continent means war. On this issue the Republic would defy the world. America for the Americans being now both law and gospel to this country, the present possessions of European powers are not relished, but only tolerated. In the recent banishment of Spain from the continent, passion, not reason, ruled. Had we been able to preserve our equanimity, the concessions which Spain offered at the last moment would have appeared adequate for the time, but the whirlwind came, the pent-up feelings of the American burst forth, and the question he had often pondered over in his mind before found fit expression in the inquiry, "What is a European nation doing over here anyhow?" We told Napoleon that Mexico was, we thought, a good country for the French to migrate from, and it was so. We have obtained the West Indies, we have obtained Alaska from Russia, by purchase, which is the best mode of all, and these countries have made themselves our closest friends by recognizing the national desire of our people to control adjacent territory and islands upon our continent. Upon no issue

would the verdict of the people be so nearly unanimous as that of American versus European rule upon the American Continent.

Secretary of State Hay in his celebrated address to the New York Chamber of Commerce here incorporated, notable for many reasons, is perhaps most so for the order in which he unconsciously places the Monroe Doctrine and the Golden Rule. It reads, not the Golden Rule and the Monroe Doctrine, but the reverse. The Secretary spoke as he felt and his countrymen feel-although the writer, in the calm air of thoughtful composition, feels called upon to suggest that in future editions it might be advisable to consider whether in deference to worldwide impressions the Golden Rule should not have "priority of nomination." That the Monroe Doctrine took first place, however, with the orator, cannot lose its signifi

cance.

In any statement bearing upon the Republic, notice must be taken of the ominous fact that the war with Spain, with its unexpected, easy and victorious end, has wrought the martial spirit of the people up to a dangerously high temperature. There is no doubt that the most warlike of people and the ma

terial out of which can soonest be made the most formidable force, both naval and military, is our own. When Washington was asked what he would do if beaten in the East, as it then seemed he must inevitably be after he was driven beyond the Delaware, he replied," Retire beyond the Blue Ridge, where we can fight forever." The capacity for resistance shown by the Boers in South Africa proves that the world in arms could make no headway against the Republic whose young men, man for man, can ride and shoot with the Boers, and who, being more intelligent and equally patriotic, possess the genius of initiative in even greater degree than their worthy compeer, the young Boer.

The nation is therefore immune from serious attack at home. As for attack by a naval power, that is almost equally impracticable. The ports could be closed, the harbors mined and countermined, and, above all, an edict of non-exportation of food products would bring the other principal naval powers to famine prices for food to feed their people, and compel peace. Britain absolutely depends upon our food supplies and our cotton, and could not long feed her people if our ports were closed. Germany imports

largely of food products from the United States and would suffer seriously from their cessation. It is not within the range of probabilities that the Republic, unless it become aggressive, is ever to be attacked, but there is danger in the present temper of the people that we may forsake the policy of peaceful industrial development under which we have become the richest of nations, and be involved in the ruinous wars, and rumors of war which are almost as costly.

This volume will be read to little advantage unless the doctrines and advice of Washington and Lincoln be taken to heart and the reign of peaceful Industrialism, marked out for the nation in contradistinction to the militarism prevailing elsewhere, is kept steadily in view. Under the tidal wave of military glory, upheaved by the recent campaign against Spain, our late President was swept against his own ardent wish and his better judgment into a departure from the policy of the Fathers of the Republic, and for the first time distant territory in the tropics was absorbed where our own race can never settle. It is a dangerous departure, but hopeful signs are not wanting that it is to prove but temporary,

and that, as with Cuba, so with the Philippines, the policy adopted by the Republic at first will ultimately prevail and it will return to its former policy. The Filipinos will be invited "to establish a free and independent government and thus fulfill the highest aspirations of their people," as the Cubans were, such being the truly American words addressed by that thorough democrat and man of the people, the late deeply lamented President McKinley. The "Mother of Nations" is probably to have a rival in her offspring, who will also be a creator of free peoples, the Republic of Cuba her firstborn, the "Republic of the Orient" her second. America for the Americans involves the Philippines for the Filipinos. True glory for the American Republic lies here.

President Roosevelt, in his first message to Congress, recognizes the Philippines as "a burden." Secretary of the Navy Long, in his last speech, looks forward to their independence. Chairman Schurman of the Philippine Commission sees no justification. of our present attitude unless it leads to independence. The closing words in his book upon the subject are of much signifi