ble and successful character, was not more complete, sudden, and unexpected than the one experienced in this department. A part, some say a whole regiment, of the First Virginia cavalry, under the command of Gen. Stewart, crossed the Pamunkey from Prince William County, a few miles above this place, at a point known as Garlick's Landing. There they commenced a series of depredations, which had they been as successful throughout as they were at the beginning, would have resulted most disastrously to our cause in this quarter. With a fiendish ferocity, more akin to devils than men, the rebels began murdering all who came in their way. Men, women, and some say even children, black and white, were, without hesitation, shot or cut to pieces in an instant. Two schooners lying at the landing, after being plundered, were fired and completely destroyed. Their names are the Whitman Phillips and Island City, both of New-York. After accomplishing their diabolical work here, and having wreaked their vengeance on every person or thing they thought to be in any manner belonging to, or connected with our Government, they seem to have divided themselves into squads or small companies, and proceeded on their way to accomplish, if possible, what was, no doubt, the chief object of their mission. The precise knowledge which the rebels possess of the character of the roads and situation of the country must have been of great service to them on this occasion, and so adroitly did they avail themselves of this knowledge, that before any one here was aware of the fact, they had proceeded as far up the railroad as Tunstall's station, some five miles from this place. The trains, which have been of so much service in carrying supplies from the landing here, to the advanced lines of our army, have no particular time of starting from this point or arriving at their destination, being entirely controlled by cir cumstances. The engineer, surprised and frightened, and ignorant as to the number of rebels he might encounter on the road, resolving to run the train in, crowded on the highest pressure of steam, and the train almost flew over the remainder of the road to White House. Here the news of what had occurred spread like lightning, and the ut most fear, panic, and consternation spread throughout the departments stationed here. This was entirely owing to the fact that everybody was ignorant of the numbers and force of the rebels, and their fears at once magnified a few hundred cavalry into the entire rebel army, which they alleged, had left Richmond and come around to cut off McClellan in the rear. Another unfortunate circumstance here was the very small number of effective troops at this place, and, under an impression of immediate attack, Colonel Ingalls, in command here, mustered whatever there was to muster, and, in addition, armed all the laborers and civilians to be found. In connection with a few cavalry, these were formed in line of battle, to receive the rebels. In the mean time, the various steamboats, schooners, etc., at this point, prepared to drop down the Pamunkey. The mail-boat from Fort Monroe had just arrived; the mails which she had brought, together with those remaining in the post-office, and other Government documents and property, were hurried on board, and the boat prepared to start. There was, of course, an immense panic among sutlers and others engaged in the mercantile profession, every one awaiting with dread suspense the expected attack. amply attested by the desolation they have everywhere left behind them. But the rebels, whether unaware of the advantage they would have obtained, or more probably through fear of meeting our army in force at this point, failed to make their appearance, but, in the mean time, had proceeded to the accomplishment of business, which was, doubtless, more immediately connected with their mission. The country over which the railroad runs is interspersed with various creeks, small runs, and swamps, each of About the time the rebels arrived at Tunstall's which is spanned with bridges of various sizes station, one of the trains happened, unfortunate- and styles of engineering skill. These, with their ly, to be on its way down to White House, and several locations, were all well known to the having been in the vicinity, and doubtless appris-rebels, whose familiarity with this country is ed of its coming, they awaited on the brow of a hill, through which the road has been cut, the approach of the train. Innocent of all danger, and without the least suspicion of a surprise of the character awaiting it, the train advanced steadily and swiftly on, till it reached the position at which the murderers were stationed. As it approached, the rebels suddenly appeared, and hailed the engineer to stop the train. By a sort of intuition he suspected at once the character of the abrupt intruders, and refused to comply with their demand. In an instant a volley was poured into the train, and its passengers, consisting chief ly of laborers, civilians, and sick and wounded soldiers, made a general effort to jump off, and, if possible, elude the deadly fire of the rebels on the hill. Some succeeded, others, especially the sick and wounded, were unable to get off, and took their chance on the train. One of these bridges, a little this side Tunstall's station, which spans a small stream some twenty feet above its level, was especially selected by the rebels for destruction, with a view to the demolition of any trains that might be coming or going, and for the purpose of cutting off communication for a time, at least, between our army before Richmond and their supplies at White House. They also tore up one or two rails from the track, but before they had succeeded either with their bridge-burning or tearing up the track they were compelled to leave, by what means I have not been able to learn, but I presume by the approach of a regiment of the Pennsylvania reserves, (the Bucktails,) which, upon information received, had been ordered to proceed down the road to White House. The Bucktails arrived just in time to put out the flames and save the bridge-one half-hour, or even less, of a delay would have enabled the rebels to accomplish their purpose on the bridge and track. From the bridge the rebels proceeded through the woods to the road which leads to Richmond, and which lies to the left of the railroad. Here they continued their infernal business, killing, plundering, and destroying every person and thing that came in their way. Two trains of Some thirty wagons each, on their way from White House to the army, laden with grain, were overtaken, captured, and destroyed by fire. The teamsters, escaping safely, came running into camp greatly frightened, having lost every thing in their flight. As the rebels crossed the Pamunkey, at Garlick's Landing, a train of wagons, in addition to other Government property, was captured and immediately destroyed. Several sutlers, on the same road as the Government teams, lost their wagons and stores. I neglected to mention, in its proper place, that the rebels also fired a railroad-car, containing grain, at Tunstall's station, which was completely destroyed. Your correspondent was coming down the railroad in the train immediately following the one on which the attack was made, and had a very narrow escape, our train being saved by the appearance of some of the fugitives, who had escaped the rebel bullets and the mishaps in jumping from the running cars. Breathless from running and fright, they called to the engineer, who stopped the train, and remained on the road the remainder of the night. It was now about twelve o'clock midnight, and we were in a very uncertain, and, for aught we knew, a critical position. The rebels were known to be scattered over the country in different directions, but in what numbers, we nor any other person seemed to know any thing about. It was uncertain what minute they might appear on the brow of the hill near which we stopped, and fire upon our train as they did on the one preceding us. Accordingly, a few persons started to bring down the Fifty-second Pennsylvania, Col. Dodge, which was known to be in the vicinity, to serve as a guard of protection to the train. The men had generally retired to rest for the night, but were soon aroused, put under arms, and marched down the road to where the train had stopped. I have often heard orators eulogize and applaud the brave men who guard our persons, our liberties, and our homes I have read, and heard others read, the glow ing apostrophe of the poet to "Our Defenders ". but on neither occasion did I half realize their importance as I did on this clear moonlight night, in a hostile country, with the enemy hovering around me, when the Fifty-second Pennsylvania stood there to defend me and others, unarmed and helpless like myself, from danger and death. The following are the casualties, so far as I have been able to learn, resulting from this wonderful raid of guerrillas: KILLED. Three laborors, whose names I could not learn, supposed to be from Philadelphia, killed on the railroad train; D. Potter, a Quartermaster Sergeant, shot through the head at Garlick's Landing. WOUNDED.-A private of the Nineteenth Massachusetts, name unknown; Anton Haneman, laborer; Lieut. John Brelsford, company I, Eightyfirst Pennsylvania; William Bradley, company E, One Hundredth New-York; Robert Gilmore, drummer, Eighty-seventh New-York; a lieutenant, whose name I could not learn; Albert Barker, Twelfth New-York; Jesse P. Woodbury, belonging to one of the gunboats. Several others are reported, but these are all I have been able to ascertain from reliable sources. There were several prisoners taken, some of whom escaped, and others who will no doubt turn up, as the rebels_were not in condition to carry them very far. Early next morning after the occurrence, regiments of infantry were thrown along both sides of the railroad to act as a guard, while several companies of cavalry were despatched on scouting expeditions through the woods and surrounding country. Every effort was made by our men, who were enraged beyond measure, to capture the daring and desperate rebels. They have succeeded in capturing six of the rebels, among whom are Capt. Garlick, whose father lives at the landing where the rebels crossed the river; Dr. Harrison, a rampant secesh, who lives near this place, and whose property has been constantly guarded by Union soldiers since this place fell into our hands. It is said that he has been in constant communication with the rebels since their departure from Yorktown, and it is positively asserted that Gen. Stuart, who is supposed to have led this marauding band, and the rebel Lee, who formerly lived here, have, on more than one occasion, been guests at his house. There is no disguising the fact that this whole section of country is more or less infested with men, and women too, who under the garb of Union men, for the purpose of having a guard of our soldiers detached to watch their property, are doing our cause an immense injury and the rebels a great service. It is certain that the rebels are generally well acquainted with all the movements of our army—their strong and their weak points; and while loyal newspaper correspondents have been made the scapegoats on which the wrath of our generals has been poured, for supposed intelligence conveyed to the enemy, so that even petty lieutenants have learned to snub themthese hypocritical Union men have been secured in their persons and property, while they corresponded with the rebels in Richmond and elsewhere. It I have thus given you as correct an account of this unexpected occurrence as I have been able to collect from what I saw, and from the thousands of rumors in circulation, as well as from information obtained from reliable sources. came very near being a serious disaster to our army here. The thousands of dollars' worth of property belonging to the Government at this place; the lives of many who are here as laborers and in other capacities, who are, of course, unarmed, and perhaps the greatest of all, the communica here by foreign commercial houses, when pur chasing for account of distant parties, that is, by the proceeds of bills of exchange, drawn by the purchaser here upon the bona-fide owner of the produce. tion between our army and its supplies, were all in imminent danger. I only express the universal opinion of every person here when I say that it was a great mistake to leave so important a point almost unprotected, especially in an enemy's country, and that enemy so subtle, unscrupulous, desperate, and cruel. The railroad, which the enemy sought to destroy, has hitherto been left unprotected, and the trains constantly running from this place to the advance of the army, have been left almost entirely to the mercy of the secession-tection, as stated in the proclamation, had been ists here, as well as to surprises such as occurred on Friday. When it is known that the road runs over a distance of same eighteen miles through a country eminently suited to the operations of guerrilla bands, and that the enemy are known to avail themselves of this dishonorable mode of warfare, it will be conceded that a strong guard should continually occupy the entire road. I understand means will be taken immediately to guard against any future occurrences of this kind. I have given you a general account of the conduct of the rebels on this occasion, but I have not attempted to describe it in detail. One example will, perhaps, serve as an index to their more than fiendish ferocity: One of the laborers, whom I have stated to be killed on the cars, was only wounded at first, and having made his escape, sought shelter and protection in the woods. The rebels, while in pursuit of a colonel who had fled, again came across this man, already wounded and bleeding from their cowardly fire, and despatched him by firing five bullets into his head. Such is the boasted chivalry of the Old Dominion, and it is but a fitting index to the character of the rebellion and its leaders. Doc. 68. J. M. F. FOREIGNERS AT NEW-ORLEANS. THE following correspondence passed between the foreign consuls at New-Orleans and General Butler: NEW-ORLEANS, June 11. These transactions were strictly mercantile, and feeling assured by the proclamation issued by you under date of May one-had they had any fears before-that this, the property of foreigners, was safe and would be accorded that progranted heretofore to such property, under the United States laws, the purchasers of these sugars were anxious to ship them at a time when other such shipments were being made; but, by your order as stated above, were prevented, thereby entailing upon the foreign owners great loss. But as the undersigned are disposed to waive all past proceedings, they beg that the order not permitting the removal of the produce in question be rescinded, and that the sugars left at the disposal of the purchasers, to do with them as they may seem fit, or that the undersigned, if compatible, in consideration of the interests concerned, be placed in possession of the facts which caused such order to be issued; the enforcing and existence of which materially retards and stops the legitimate business of our countrymen. We beg to remain, sir, your obedient servants, Commanding Department of the Gulf, New-Orleans, La HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, NEW-ORLEANS, June 12, 1862. GENTLEMEN: In the matter of the sugars in possession of Mr. Covas, who is the only party known to the United States authorities, I have examined with care the statement you have sent me. will not expect me to disclose, that Mr. Covas I had information, the sources of which you had been engaged in buying confederate notes, giving for them sterling exchange, thus transferSIR: It has been represented to the under-ring abroad the credit of the States in the rebelsigned by Mr. Covas, of the commercial firm of Covas & Negroponte, carrying on business in this city, that certain sugars bought by that firm, conjointly with Messrs. Ralli, Benachi & Co., also carrying on business here, are not allowed to be sold or taken from the place in which said sugars are stored, without further orders from you. We beg here to state that Mr. Covas represents to the undersigned that the sugar in question (three thousand two hundred and five hogsheads) have been bought for and are the property of British, French, and Greek subjects, and with which fact you are already acquainted. The purchase of these sugars were effected at various times, ranging from January to March last, paid for at the time of purchase, in the usual manner in which such business is carried on lion, and enabling these bills of credit to be converted into bullion to be used there, as it has been, for the purpose of purchasing arms and munitions of war. That Mr. Covas was one of and the agent of, an association or company of Greek merchants residing here, in London, and at Havana, who had set apart a large fund for this enterprise. That these confederate notes so purchased by Mr. Covas, had been used in the purchase of sugars and cotton, of which the su gars in question, in value almost two hundred thousand dollars, are a part. I directed Mr. Covas to hold these sugars until this matter could be investigated. I am satisfied of the substantial truth of this information. Mr. Covas's own books will show the important facts that he sold sterling exchange for confederate treasury notes, and then bought these sugars with the notes. Now this is claimed to be "strictly mercantile." It will not be denied that the sugars were intended for a foreign market. But the Government of the United States had said that with the port of New-Orleans there should be no "strictly mercantile" transactions. It would not be conceded for a moment that the exchanging of specie for confederate treasury notes, and sending the specie to Europe, to enable the rebels to buy arms and munitions of war there, were not a breach of the blockade, as well as a violation of the neutrality laws and the proclamation of their majesties, the Queen of Great Britain and the Emperor of France. What distinguishes the two cases, save that drawing the sterling bills is a more safe and convenient way of eluding the laws than sending bullion in specie, and thus assist the rebellion in the point of its utmost need? It will be claimed that to assist the rebellion was not the motive. Granted "causa argumenti!" It was done from the desire of gain, as doubtless all the violations of neutrality have been done by aliens during this war-a motive which is not sanctifying to acts by a foreigner, which, if done by a subject, would be treason or a high misdemeanor. My proclamation of May first assures respect to all persons and property that were respectable. It was not an amnesty to murderers, thieves, and criminals of deeper dye or less heinousness, nor a mantle to cover the property of those aiders of the rebellion, whether citizens or aliens, whom I might find here. If numbers of the foreign residents here have been engaged in aiding the rebellion, either directly or indirectly, from a spirit of gain, and they now find themselves objects of watchful supervision by the authorities of the United States, they will console themselves with the reflection that they are only getting the "bitter with the sweet." Nay, more, if honest and quiet foreign citizens find themselves the objects of suspicion too, and even their honest acts subjects of investigation by the authorities of the United States to their inconvenience, they will, upon reflection, blame only the over-rapacious and greedy of their own fellow-citizens, who have, by their aid to rebellion, brought distrust and suspicion over all. Wishing to treat you, gentlemen, with every respect, I have set forth at length some of the reasons which have prompted my action. There is one phrase in your letter which I do not understand, and cannot permit to pass without calling attention to it. You say, "the undersigned are disposed to waive all past proceedings," etc. What proceedings" have you, or either of you, to waive" if you do feel disposed so to do? What right have you in the matter? What authority is vested in you by the laws of nations or of this country, which gives you the power to use such language to the representative of the United States, in a quasi official communication? Commercial agents, merely of a subordinate class, consuls have no power to waive or condone any proceeding past or present of the government under whose protection they are permitted to reside so long as they behave well. If I have committed any wrong to Mr. Covas, you have no power to "waive" or pardon the penalty or prevent his having redress. If he has committed any wrong to the United States, you have still less power to shield him from punishment. I take leave to suggest, as a possible explanation of this sentence, that you have been so long dealing with a rebel confederation, which has been supplicating you to make such representation to the government whose subjects you are, as would induce your sovereigns to aid it in its traitorous designs, that you have become rusty in the language proper to be used in representing the claims of your fellow-citizens to the consideration of a great and powerful government, entitled to equal respect with your own. In order to prevent all misconception, and that, for the future, you gentlemen may know exactly the position upon which I act in regard to foreigners resident here, permit me to explain to you that I think a foreigner resident here has not one right more than an American citizen, but at least one right less, that is, that of meddling or interfering, by discussion, vote, or otherwise, with the affairs of the Government. I have the honor to subscribe myself, B. F. BUTLER, GENERAL ORDERS No. 41. NEW ORLEANS, June-, 1862. To Major-General B. F. Butler, Commanding Department of the Gulf: GENERAL: The undersigned, foreign consuls, accredited to the United States, have the honor to represent that General Orders No. 41, under date of tenth inst., contains certain clauses, against which they deem it their duty to protest, not only in order to comply with their obligations as representatives of their respective governments, now at peace and in friendly relations with the United States, but also to protect, by all possible means, such of their fellow-citizens as may be morally or materially injured by the execution of an order which they consider as contrary, both to that justice which they have a right to expect at the hands of the Government of the United States, and to the laws of nations. The "Order" contains two oaths: one, applicable both to the native-born and to such foreigners as have not claimed and received a protection from their government, etc.; the second applicable, it would seem, to such foreigners as may have claimed and received the above protection: thus, unnaturalized foreigners are divided into two categories, a distinction which the undersigned cannot admit. The "Order" says that the required "oath will not be, as it has never been, forced upon any;" that "it is too sacred an obligation, too exalted in its tenure, and brings with it too many benefits and privileges, to be profaned by unwilling lip-service;" that "all persons shall be deemed to have been citizens of the United States who shall have been resident therein for the space of five years and upwards, and, if foreign-born, shall not have claimed and received a protection of their government, duly signed and registered by the proper officer, more than sixty days previous to the publication of this order." Whence it follows that foreigners are placed on the same footing with the native-born and naturalized citizens, and in the alternative either of being deprived of their means of existence or forced implicitly to take the required oath if they wish to ask and do receive "any favor, protection, privilege, passport, or to have money paid them, property or other valuable thing whatever delivered to them, or any benefit of the power of the United States extended to them, except protection from personal violence." Now, of course, when a foreigner does not wish to submit to the laws of the country of which he is a resident, he is invariably and everywhere at liberty to leave that country. But here he does not even enjoy that privilege; for to leave, he must procure a passport, to obtain which he must take an oath that he is unwilling to take; and yet that oath "is so sacred and so exalted in its tenure that it must not be profaned by unwilling lip-service." It is true that the "Order" excepts those foreigners who claimed and received the protection of their government more than sixty days previous to its publication; but this exception is merely nominal, because the very great majority of foreigners never had any cause hitherto, in this country, to ask, and therefore to receive a "protection of their government." Besides, this exception implies an interference with the interior administration of foreign governments-an act contrary to the laws of nations. Whether the foreign residents have or have not complied with the laws and edicts of their own governments is a matter between them and their consuls, and the undersigned deny the right of any foreign power to meddle with, and still less to enforce, the laws of their respective countries, as far as their fellow-citizens are concerned. When a consul extends the high protection of his government to such of his countrymen as are neither naturalized nor charged with any breach of the laws of the country in which they reside, he is to be supported by a friendly government; for it is a law in all civilized countries that if foreigners must submit to the laws of the country in which they reside, they and à fortiori their consuls, must, in exchange of that respect for those laws, receive due protection; that protection, in fact, which the foreigners have invariably enjoyed in this country up to the present time. Now, foreigners are deprived of that protection unless they be come citizens of the United States; and this is done without a warning, and in opposition to the laws of the United States concerning the mode in which foreigners may become citizens of this country. The undersigned must remark that a just law can have no retroactive action, and can be enforced only from the day of its promulgation, while the order requires that acts should have been done, the necessity of which was unforeseen, especially in this country. The required oath is contrary not only to the rights, duty, and dignity of foreigners, who are all "free born," but also to the dignity of the Government of the United States, and even to the spirit of the order itself. 1. Because it virtually forces a certain class of foreigners, in order to save their property, to swear "true faith and allegiance" to the United States, and thereby to "renounce and abjure" that true faith and allegiance which they owe to their own country only, while naturalization is, and can be, but an act of free will; and because it is disgraceful for any "free man" to de, through motives of material interest, those moral acts which are repugnant to his conscience. If the order merely required the English oath of "allegiance," it might be argued, according to the definition given by Blackstone, (i. p. 370) that said oath signifies only the submission of foreigners to the police laws of the country in which they reside; but the oath, as worded in the "order," is a virtual act of naturalization. A citizen of the United States might take the oath, although act six of the Federal Constitution, and the act of Congress of June first, 1769, do not require as much. But no consideration can compel a foreigner to take such an oath. 2. Because, if, according to the order, the "highest title known was really that of an American citizen," it would be the very reason why it should be sought after, and not imposed upon the unwilling, whether openly or impliedly. 3. Because, while the order advocates the "neutrality imposed upon foreigners by their sovereigns," it virtually tends to violate that neutrality, not by forcing them openly to take up arms and bravely shed their blood in defence even of a cause that is not their own, but by enjoining upon them, if they wish to redeem their property, to descend to the level of spies and denunciators for the benefit of the United States The undersigned will close by remarking that their countrymen, since the beginning of this war, have been neutral. As such they cannot be considered and treated as a conquered popula tion. The conquered may be submitted to exceptional laws; but neutral foreigners have a right to be treated as they have always been by the Government of the United States. We have the honor to be, General, your most obedient servants, JUAN CALLEJON, Consul de Espana. |