fere. The assertion of this principle positively and decorously at the outset has served the purpose of preventing controversy and saved the necessity of discussions which, if encouraged, would be attended by no good result. Having simplified my duty in its political aspects by this plain course, it has not been necessary for me to report fluctuations of opinion in regard to the question which, of all others, engrosses the interest, the anxiety, and the devotion of every true American citizen. Nor have I felt called upon to harass the department with elaborate essays on the changing phases of affairs at home, with speculations as to their issue, or with suggestions of supposed remedies which must naturally occur to these charged with the grave responsibility of administering the government at this critical juncture. The best patriots may honestly differ as to the policy which should be pursued towards the insurgent communities, arising out of a domestic relation which not only affects them but others also, with equal directness, which have loyally and faithfully observed their obligations under the Constitution; but they cannot differ at all in regard to the necessity of upholding the Union at any and at every cost. Birth, education, and peculiar habits of thought create such differences of opinion as have been referred to, but they involve no necessary estrangement between the parties holding them, nor any departure from the main purpose which it is to be hoped animates both the purpose of preserving the Union in its entire integrity. Our system of government is the wise result of compromise, and the men of this day who, in the excess of their zeal, seem to claim an exclusive inspiration, might learn from the example of the fathers of the republic, who gave us free institutions and the instruction of their sacrifices, wisdom, and virtues, that moderation is as much needed now to preserve, as it was in the early times to prepare, the noble work of which the American Constitution and the Union are the beneficent results. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. JAMES E. HARVEY. Mr. Harvey to Mr. Seward. No. 141.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Your "circular" despatch of the 14th of July, containing the copy of an important bill which the President had submitted to Congress, has been received and placed among the archives of this legation as a document expressing the views of the Executive upon a question of grave policy in connexion with the war. The whole course of the President has been so frank, fair, and conciliatory, and so patriotically devoted to the great objects avowed in his inaugural address, that even those who may differ with him in regard to particular points of policy must see in this last proposition nothing more than a new effort in the same direction to terminate the strife which so unhappily disturbs the peace of the Union, and deranges its commerce and relations with other countries. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD, JAMES E. HARVEY. No. 155.] Mr. Harvey to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Lisbon, September 16, 1862. SIR: I have had the honor to receive your despatches No. 66 (special circular) and No. 67, and general circulars Nos. 18, 19, and 21. The views expressed in your No. 66 upon the subject of foreign intervention or mediation in the unhappy strife which now convulses the Union cannot fail to commend themselves to the full approval of the American people, and to all others who are willing to admit the right which every independent nation possesses of regulating its internal concerns in its own way. Civil war and all its sad consequences have been forced upon the government by an organized conspiracy of desperate and designing men, without any other pretext than the loss of political power and its resulting advantages, which their section of the Union had almost uninterruptedly enjoyed for two-thirds of a century to the exclusion of the other section, having two-thirds of the whole population. Continued possession of power had made them arrogant, and when ejected by a fair expression of the popular will, instead of submitting to the decision, as the majority section. had for a long series of years uncomplainingly done, in the madness of defeat they revolted, and with defiance and arms attempted to subvert the laws and overthrow the Constitution. The proportions which the rebellion has assumed does not and cannot alter its character, and the passing chances and changing events of a war conducted upon so large a field of operations in no way affects the ability of the government to suppress the rebellion in good time, and to bring its authors and abettors to the condign punishment which their unprovoked and unparalleled crime deserves. We abstained as a government and as a people from all interference in the civil wars which, during our national existence, have afflicted the states of Europe, and upon occasions, too, where sympathy was justly excited, and when any token of action answering to such feeling might have been eventful and decisive. The higher sense of duty, however, prevailed over generous emotion, and in our whole history there is not one recorded act inconsistent with this unswerving policy of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other nations. Surely the rigid observance of respect for the rights of others ought, if there were no other reasons, to exempt us from interference in our day of vicissitude and trial. We can claim it justly and proudly before the world, and, if needs be, we must maintain the immunity, cost what the vindication may; for if that dark hour should ever lower upon the republic, which I pray God devoutly to avert, when foreign powers may dictate the manner and the terms of administering our government, there will be nothing left worth preserving. Rather than that, let all perish, for when liberty is sacrificed to despotism those only should survive who wish to be slaves. The domestic difficulties which beset the administration in dealing with this unnatural strife at home are necessarily grave and embarrassing. If the impulsive advocates of particular theories and policies would but reflect that the war itself is, in every second of its continuance, more quickly and effectually working out a solution of the great social problem which lies behind it, and before it, and everywhere around it, than their concentrated efforts could do if persisted in with the same unreasoning exaction for centuries, they might learn how much wisdom there was in present forbearance, and that any attempt to precipitate events which seem sternly fore shadowed as inevitable would only turn aside the current which is already rushing rapidly to a certain destination. No observer of the mighty forces now in commotion who, amidst the angry and deafening din of civil war, can think at all can fail to perceive that great social changes must follow its conclusion, whatever that may be-changes, let us humbly hope, that may be wisely ordered and better directed than any now proposed by selfsufficient empiricism. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, No. 158.] Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Harvey to Mr. Seward. JAMES E. HARVEY. LEGATION OF the United STATES, SIR: After my No. 157 was despatched on the 29th ultimo, I had a personal interview with the Viscount Sá da Bandeira, the minister of war, who is also acting as minister of foreign affairs during the absence of the Marquis de Soulé, in reference to the outrages at the Azores, the conduct of the Portuguese authorities there, and other matters connected with the general subject. I carried with me some of the testimony bearing on the important points, and submitted it to him with explanatory comments. He was frank enough to say that the islands in question had been used and abused by corsairs and pirates during centuries; that they were exposed and unprotected, and therefore might be so employed again, and that our best plan would be to send a sufficient force there to protect American ships against threatened depredations and to punish the criminal offenders. I informed him that two war steamers had already been ordered to the islands, and that the sloop-of-war St. Louis was ready to sail but I had detained her a day for my own despatches, and offered him that opportunity of communicating with the Portuguese officials. He thanked me for the courtesy, but said it would be impossible to prepare any instructions within the time named, and that the authorities of the Azores were already possessed of the views of the government through the royal proclamation of last year. I called his attention particularly to the report of a project to establish a coal depot for "confederate" cruisers on the islands, saying that it was part of a plan to equip and arm against our commerce in flagrant disregard of the King's proclamation. It was agreed between us that I should address him a note on the subject, directing attention to the points most requiring prompt consideration. A copy of that note is now enclosed for your information. It needs no explanation at my hands. I also transmit herewith copies of notes addressed to Captain Pickering, of the Kearsarge, and Captain Thatcher, of the Constellation, containing the sug gestions that occurred to me as proper to the occasion. A telegram from our consul at Gibraltar on the 29th ultimo informed me that the Kearsarge would leave Algeciras on Tuesday last, the 30th of September. The St. Louis sailed from this port at six o'clock on Wednesday morning, the 1st instant, direct for the Azores. I have heard nothing of the movements of the Tuscarora, though she was at Cadiz, when I telegraphed Captain Craven, five days ago. The enclosed copy of my reply to Mr. Dabney's note, in regard to the depredations, will explain itself. I telegraphed the material facts to Mr. Adams on the 30th ultimo, and requested him to communicate them to you immediately. The agent heretofore employed in the Algarve district started again for duty there on the evening of the 30th September. No effort has been spared and no precaution neglected which care and prudence could suggest or provide for this emergency. In fact, all the resources at my disposal or discretion have been exhausted, and I may say, without egotism, at least energetically if not wisely. I am, sir, very respectfully, your Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. obedient servant, JAMES E. HARVEY. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: A telegram from Mr. Sprague, our consul at Gibraltar, informs me that he has communicated to you the contents of despatches which I sent to Captains Pickering and Craven, (on Sunday, 28th inst.,) relative to the destruction of ten whalers by Captain Semmes, of the Alabama, off the Azores. You will doubtless learn of the movements of those officers. The St. Louis, which is now here, will start in the morning to join the others at the islands. This is all the disposable force we have at hand. As the pirates have two wooden steamers only, the preponderance of strength is largely on our side. I assume that, after receiving the intelligence referred to, you started immediately, preferring real service to the pleasant ports of the Mediterranean. I, also suppose that your first impulse would be to start for the Azores, and it is to that point that I wish to direct a few suggestions, which may or may not have force. Should the Constellation go to the Azores, not a single United States ship would be left within call, in case of any emergency. If the force sent there already be sufficient, in your estimation, to confront the pirates, then I think that you had better not go, for the following reasons. In the first place, the Sumter would be tempted to escape from her present prison ground, and of course be fitted out in England afresh, for new depredations. The officers on board of her will soon know, or suspect, where our ships have gone, and they will probably profit by the opportunity of their absence. In the next place, it is not to be presumed that Semmes will remain stationary at the Azores. He went there knowing this to be the season when the whalers come down from the North Atlantic, and when a harvest of depredations might be reaped. He is not ignorant that in a few weeks a fleet of merchantmen, loaded with cereals, may be expected at this and neighboring ports. And I have no doubt that he will endeavor to strike at them. He will also be sure that the Tuscarora and others will pursue him the moment his outrages become known, which is another reason why he will not linger at the islands. I shall advise either the Tuscarora or Kearsarge to return to these waters as soon as the danger is certainly passed, but one of them must remain there for other and important objects. In this aspect of the matter, my judgment is that you should cruise hereabouts for a time, and run up to Lisbon for a personal conference, and for information. I see no public object to be served in the Mediterranean, while large interests urgently need protection outside of it. I submit these observations, with all deference to your professional position, as the results of a plain and practical view of the situation. Yours, very truly, CAPTAIN THATCHER, United States Ship Constellation. JAMES E. HARVEY. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Lisbon, October 2, 1862. SIR: The papers numbered 1, 2, 3, and 4, which are submitted with this note, will bring to your view certain proceedings at the islands of the Azores, and various depredations on American ships, which may properly claim the immediate attention and interposition of his Majesty's government. The first in order which deserves notice is a statement published in the Portuguese journal "O Lidador," of Terceira, on the 23d of August, which is fally corroborated by various forms of information of a public and private nature. It appears from this statement that two steamers and a bark, abusing the British flag to shelter their nefarious designs, entered the small ports of the island of Terceira on the 10th, 18th, and 20th of August, respectively, without exhibiting bills of health, as required by the laws of this kingdom. The bark was freighted with arms, munitions of war, and coal, which were transferred to the two steamers without entry at the custom-house, and in defiance of the revenue laws. After all these proceedings had taken place, and, as the Lidador properly suggests, with a view of "palliating their offence," the vessels were permitted to go through the farce of making entry at the custom-house, and the health de partment granted them free pratique, on the pretence that they had stopped at Praia da Victoria, a little neighboring port some few miles distant. I abstain from comment on so much of the conduct of these officials as must necessarily be subjected to inquiry by the superior authority here in Lisbon. But as far as it injuriously affects the interests of citizens of the United States, a sense of duty requires me to declare that if they did not act in bad faith, or with criminal collusion, they acted under influences equally culpable and indefensible. They were morally, if not actually, parties to a conspiracy, which soon after culminated in a series of gross outrages, not very far from the same spot, and in the same group of islands. It may be well to notice, in passing, the fact that free pratique was granted to these pirates by the health department at Angra, after two weeks' experience of their corsair-like conduct, and to contrast that act with the course previously pursued towards an American merchant vessel: The schooner Thomas Denison touched at Fayal on the 26th November last, bound, with a valuable cargo, for St. Michael. Although she had a clean, regular bill of health, and there was no sickness of any kind on board, she was required to perform quarantine at Fayal. And subsequently, upon reaching her destination, she was ordered by the authorities at St. Michael to Lisbon for another quarantine, thus breaking up the voyage, and injuring the owners materially. This was the treatment suffered by a peaceful commercial vessel, and it may well be contrasted with the courtesy extended to outlaws, who had notoriously defied, insulted, and violated the laws and usages of this kingdom. The deposition of Henry Redden, formerly a boatswain's mate on the Alabama, (one of the steamers referred to,) confirms the main facts related by the Lidador, and gives a complete history of the whole affair-of the departure from England, the voyage to the Azores, and the proceedings there up to the time of his abandonment of the piratical enterprise. He states positively that a certain Captain Semmes, after hoisting a flag on the Alabama not recognized by any civilized nation, summoned the crew and announced his intention to burn, sink, and destroy" American ships, and offered them inducements to join the proposed piracy. The letter of Mr. Dudley, United States consul at Liverpool, will inform your excellency of a plan concocted by the parties connected with this expedition to use the Azores as a rendezvous for their iniquitous designs. And finally the |