it went up, I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm; when the cord was pulled and it flaunted in the bright glowing sunshine of the morning, I hoped it was a propitious omen. I was the humble instrument in its elevation; the people had made it, and arranged the machinery for its hoisting; and if I can have the same generous co-operation of the people of the nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously." After having laid aside the emblems of his power, in the midst of war and in the face of calumny, to submit to a new election, at the moment of his second inauguration on the 4th of March, 1865, he pronounced these memorable words, which have become a solemn testament: "Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may soon pass away; yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid with another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' "With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." Admirable words, and well worthy of him who wrote again, at the end of his message of the 1st of December, 1862, in which, after delaying, waiting, suffering, for two years, he finally resolved to propose the abolition of slavery: "Fellow-citizens, we cannot avoid history; the severe trial we are now undergoing will stamp us with honor or dishonor to the latest generation." Upon you, Mr. President, has the guardianship of that honor and the heritage of that great man devolved. Like him, you were a working-man; like him, you have gained bread, knowledge, esteem, and power, by the sweat of your brow; like him, you bravely defended the Union in the Senate; like him, you hate slavery; like him, you are surrounded by great ministers, great generals, that hate would have laid with him in death. It is your duty to enter into the sentiments of Abraham Lincoln, and to finish the work of force by conciliation. Peace, amnesty, union, liberty, new prosperity! These were certainly the designs of Mr. Lincoln. Such are the vows of the civilized world. Be generous in victory, after having been inflexible in contest. Europe did not expect to see a commercial people become warlike, without the military spirit lapsing into despotism. Europe did not expect to see four millions of poor slaves resist the temptation to revolt, and twice save a country that persecuted them, by furnishing it brave soldiers, and exciting an external interest, an emotion of opinion which probably prevented intended interventions. Europe did not expect to see the north, caught unprepared, conquer the south, so brave and well provided. But spare us more surprises, and console us for the length and the calamities of the war by a prompt, solid, and generous peace among all the citizens of that nation to which has been given the beautiful name of The Union. The future will say that Washington founded it, that Lincoln and you rebuilt it. May his blood be the last shed! No. 154] Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 22, 1865. SIR: I transmit herewith, for your information, a copy of a note of this date,* addressed to Mr. Tassara, the Spanish minister, relative to the proceedings of the piratical cruiser Stonewall. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq.. &c., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. No. 155.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 22, 1865. SIR: The Marquis de Montholon has left with me a copy of a despatch of the 28th of April, which had been addressed to Mr. L. de Geofroy by Mr. Drouyn * See correspondence with the Spanish legation. de Lhuys, charging him with the expression to the government of the United States of the sentiments entertained by the Emperor and the government of France in regard to the assassination of President Lincoln, the emotions of horror and sympathy inspired by that untimely catastrophe, and their high estimation of his virtues and career. That despatch is marked by a spirit of generosity and hearty sympathy towards the United States, which does honor to the ancient friendship between the two nations, and which is cordially reciprocated. Your recent despatch informed me of the proceedings adopted by the senate and the legislative corps of France on this subject. I must request you to inform Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys of the light in which all of these manifestations of good will are regarded, and that they will find a permanent place in the grateful memories of the government and people of the United States. With this view you will be pleased to leave with Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys a copy of this instruction. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. No. 97.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have this day addressed to Mr. Cochin a letter, of which the enclosure No. 1 is a copy and No. 2 a translation, in reply to his note of the 17th instant, communicating to me an address from the French Committee of Emancipation to the President of the United States. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington. JOHN BIGELOW. [Enclosure No. 2.-Translation of No. 1.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Cochin. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, DEAR SIR: I have had the honor to receive your note of the 17th instant, enclosing the address, which, in the name of the French Committee of Emancipation, you request me to present to the President of the United States, and I have already given it the direction you desired. The sympathy of such a body, composed as it is of some of the most eminent guides of public opinion in Europe, will be gratefully appreciated by the President, while their wise counsel will be sure to receive the consideration which is due to such an exalted source, and none the less because it reflects with simple fidelity the settled and constant policy of my government from the commencement of this rebellion. It is needless for me to say how highly the President and people of the United States will appreciate the efforts, of which this address is the first fruit, to popularize the lessons of which the late insurrection in America has been so fruitful, nor how cordially I shall co-operate with those who have been so happily inspired. I shall be proud to have my name associated, in however humble a way, with an organization so competent as the one you represent to crown with success the noble work to which they have pledged their talents and their fame. I am, dear sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, P. S.-I will send the list of names you ask for very soon. JOHN BIGELOW. No. 98.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: On my return to Paris this morning I found a communication from his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, of which enclosure No. 1 is a copy and No. 2 a translation. It is in reply to a communication which I left with his excellency on the 12th instant, a copy of which was transmitted to you in my despatch No. 91. I have only time to-day to say, that the policy of the French government as here defined, in reference to a withdrawal of the imperial declaration of September, 1861, is substantially the same as that recently proclaimed in Parliament by Earl Russell and Lord Palmerston. It also notifies me that (following the example of England) the minister of marine has repealed the restrictions upon the sojourn of the vessels-of-war in French ports. I am disposed to dispute the competence of the French government to make any distinct renunciation of the right of search, a condition precedent to a withdrawal of the belligerent privileges conceded to the rebels in 1861, on the ground that if those privileges are withdrawn on our application, we are responsible to them just as much as they are to us for any future abuse of the power to search neutral vessels. By now asking them to treat us no longer as belligerents, we voluntarily come under all the obligations of non-belligerents, just as upon their own theory by becoming de facto belligerents, and without any declaration of war, we as well as our enemies at once became entitled from neutrals to all the privileges and incurred all the penalties of belligerents. M. Drouyn de Lhuys admits the war is ended. He has then no more authority to exact from us a renunciation of the right to search neutral ships than he would have to exact a renunciation of our right to go to war again if we should ever fancy we had provocation. I labor under the disadvantage of not knowing what view Mr. Adams has taken of the late declaration of the British government, and I shall take a few days to reflect before determining what, if any, answer should be made before hearing from you. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, JOHN BIGELOW. Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. [Enclosure No. 2.—Translation of No. 1.] PARIS, May 20, 1865. SIR: I have received the note which you did me the honor to address to me on the 10th of this month. Referring to the decisive events which have passed in the United States, and which have completed the defeat of the southern Confederate States, you ask if the declaration of neutrality of the 10th of June, 1861, has not ceased to effect the useful purposes that it might have in view, now that the insurrectionary government has no seat or settled existence; that its armies are broken and dispersed; that it has no longer a single port open to it on the seas, and that its flag no longer floats but over a few vessels built in foreign ports, and wandering without any possible refuge about the ports of their country. You ask, at the same time, if the period is not arrived when it would be an unfriendly act on the part of France to refuse to the United States navy the hospitality which the French navy has always found in the ports of the Union, and if the insurgents have not lost every right to the privileges of belligerents recognized by the imperial government. In the first place, sir, I presume it is understood that the conduct pursued by the Emperor's government from the beginning of the conflict cannot be regarded as in any way dictated by an unfriendly feeling towards the United States, although you state, in the communication to which I have the honor to reply, that you are unwilling to discuss the necessity or the propriety of our declaration of 1861. I do not the less feel it my duty again to affirm, that the Emperor's government could not have acted otherwise than it has done; that it was at once its duty and its right to recognize in the imposing and regularly organized forces which entered upon the struggle in the heart of the American Union, all the characteristics which constitute belligerents, and to proclaim its neutrality from that time. There could be neither hesitation nor controversy as to the line of conduct to be pursued. Facts forced themselves upon all with sovereign authority, and the government of the United States itself-I may recall it to its honor-did not misunderstand it, for it has observed towards its adversaries, in carrying on the war, the usages which prevail in hostilities between independent nations. But, in our opinion, the measures taken by us in consequence of a state of war, manifest and declared, ought not to be continued when the situation which had rendered them obligatory has ceased to exist. Now everything shows that the time is at hand when the federal government will be able to depart from the attitude which the necessities of war still impose upon it. As soon as we are informed that it relinquishes the right of search and capture in respect of neutral ships there will no longer be any question of belligerency in respect to the United States for us to consider, and we shall hasten to acknowledge it. We shall be happy immediately to suppress all the restrictions which a state of war has imported into our relations, and especially to offer in our ports the most cordial and perfect hospitality to the ships of a nation which we have long been accustomed to treat as a friend. I am happy to be able to announce to you that in the present state of things his Majesty's government from this day no longer considers it necessary to retain the regulation limiting to twenty-four hours the stay which the ships-of-war of the United States were authorized to make in our ports; consequently, the minister of the navy has just revoked it. Receive the assurances of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant, Monsieur BIGELOW, DROUYN DE LHUYS. Minister of the Unitel States at Paris. No. 99.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF The United StaTES, SIR: On my return from England, this morning, I found a communication from his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, of which enclosure No. 1 is a copy and No. 2 is a translation. I have only time to say that this communication is in reply to my note to his excellency, accompanying copies of the proclamations referred to in your de spatch No. 112. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, JOHN BIGELOW. Secretary of State, Washington. [Enclosure No. 2.-Translation of No. 1.] Monsieur Drouyn de Lhuys to Mr. Bigelow. PARIS, May 19, 1865. SIR: You have been good enough to communicate to me officially various proclamations issued by President Lincoln in the course of the last month. These documents call for some observations on my part, which I have the honor to submit to you. The ships of the United States, says Mr. Lincoln, have been subjected in certain countries to a regime restricting them from immunities and privileges which were assured to them by treaties, custom, and international law, while the ships of those same countries have continued to enjoy the same privileges and immunities previously enjoyed by them in the ports of the United States. This difference must henceforth cease, and foreign ships-of-war will be treated in the ports of the United States in the same way as are the federal ships in the ports of those countries. As far as we are concerned, the treatment applied to federal ships-of-war, and to which it is intended to submit ours, is that which is prescribed by the obligations of neutrality with respect to belligerents, the object being to protect the dignity and responsibility of neutrals. Federal belligerent ships cannot now remain in our ports more than 24 hours, unless under certain unavoidable circumstances; they cannot sell their prizes there, nor provide themselves with arms and ammunition; they can only procure whatever is necessary for the subsistence of their crews and the safe navigation of the ship. In case of the simultaneous presence in a French port of ships-of-war, cruisers, or merchant ships, of the two belligerents, an interval of 24 hours at least is to elapse between the departure of the ships of one of the belligerents and the subsequent departure of the ships of the other. Such are the regulations consecrated by the almost universal custom of all nations, and which we have observed in the present war. Now, by what assimilation are these regulations to be applied to our flag? We are not at war with any one; we take no prizes, therefore, into the ports of the United States; nor do we go there to obtain means of aggression against an enemy, nor to seek the opportunity of a collision. Where, then, are the reasons which would justify this pretended reciprocity of treatment in situations so dissimilar? I do not dispute, however, sir, that the results of the late military operations have considerably modified the situation of the two belligerent parties; but I must observe that the federal government itself furnishes proof that the state of war still exists, and falls into a kind of contradiction if, while demanding of neutrals the abandonment of the conditions of neutrality, it persist in exercising against their ships the right of search and capture a right which it claims solely from its quality of belligerent. Receive the assurances of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant, Monsieur BIGELOW, Minister of the United States at Paris. DROUYN DE LHUYS. No. 156.J Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 29, 1865. SIR: Your despatch of the 12th instant, No. 92, and its accompanying copy of a note which you addressed to Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys upon the subject of the President's proclamations, which were transmitted to you with my instruction, No. 112, has been received and is approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. . No. 157.] Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, May 30, 1865. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 10th instant, No. 90, transmitting a copy of your correspondence with a number of of citizens of the United States, residing in France, in regard to the assassination of President Lincoln and to the attempts upon the lives of the Secretary and Assistant Secretary of State. In reply, I have to inform you that the correspondence is highly approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. |