deaux, for the purpose of being offered for sale to the royal Danish marine, has been rejected after trial; and now that the owner intends to carry her back to France, it is permitted that the above-named vessel depart from here with a Danish crew. BLUMBE. On the petition of the commercial firm of Puggaard & Co., residing at this place, the ministry for foreign affairs, on its part, has permitted the iron clad vessel Stoerkodder, on the return from Copenhagen to Bordeaux, to carry the Danish flag. In consideration hereof, the above-named vessel is to be treated as Danish by the royal consuls in whatever port it shall enter on this voyage, wherefore we would not omit to communicate this legitimation. The ministry, in conclusion, will add that no outlay for the aforesaid vessel must be made unless the aforenamed commercial firm should desire it and guarantee the payment thereof. BLUMBE. The ROYAL CONSULS in Sweden, Norway, Great Britain, Netherlands, France. Protha copia: [SEAL.] P. VEDEL. [Enclosure.-Translation.] COPENHAGEN, December 31, 1864. The ministry of foreign affairs has, by request, permitted the iron-clad vessel Stoerkodder, which the royal government once intended to buy, but which was not accepted, on its return from here to Bordeaux, to carry the Danish flag, but with the implicit instruction that this permission is only granted for this voyage. Your honor is therefore requested to see to it that this vessel, on its arrival in Bordeaux, strikes the Danish flag, in regard to which the ministry of foreign affairs, in proper time, ex pects to receive the report of consul. The return of a document of legitimation granted by me to the vessel must be demanded from the shipmaster and transmitted here. The ROYAL CONSUL at Bordeaux. True copy: [SEAL.] BLUMBE. P. VEDEL. Mr. Seward to Mr. Bigelow. No. 105.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I give you for your information a copy of a note* which I have recently received from Mr. Geofroy, chargé d'affaires of the Emperor, concerning a projected universal exhibition of productions, of agriculture, manufactures, and the fine arts, to be opened at Paris on the 1st of May, 1867, under the direction and supervision of a commission in which his serene highness the Prince Napoleon will preside. You will inform Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys that the President of the United States regards the project thus described with great favor, as well because of the ben * See correspondence with the French legation of 27th ultimo. eficial influence it may be expected to exert upon the prosperity of the nations as of its tendency to preserve peace and mutual friendship among them. The Prince Napoleon is most favorably known on this side of the Atlantic, and his connexion with the exhibition will increase its proper prestige in the eyes of the government and people of the United States. What the executive government can do by way of concurrence in the noble purpose of his Majesty will, therefore, be very cheerfully done. The design and arrangements will be promptly promulgated. For the present, you will confer with Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys as aspecial agent of this government, and will bring yourself into near relations with the prince. This is as far, however, as the President is able to proceed without special legislative authority. Application for that authority will be made to Congress when it shall have convened. In the mean time this department will receive and give due attention to any suggestions which the government of France may desire to offer with a view to a complete success of the contemplated exhibition. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 68.] Mr Bigelow to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I beg to enclose a translation of an article which appeared in the Memorial Diplomatique of Saturday last, purporting to give the basis of certain peace negotiations in progress in Canada, between persons representing the United States and the confederate insurgents. The quasi official character of this hebdomadal satisfies me that the government wish the facts there stated to be believed. I was confirmed in this opinion when I saw the article promptly reappear in all the official journals. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. JOHN BIGELOW [Translated from the Memorial Diplomatique of April 2, 1865.] Private advices from a reliable source informs us that negotiations with a view to peace are again carried on between the north and south of the United States. The scene of these negotiations has thus far been in Toronto, on the frontiers of Canada, where there are always large numbers of northern and southern politicians, and where the confederate agents of the two governments met. After discussing for a long time the conditions of a possible reconciliation, the agent of the federal government left for Washington, bringing with him an outline of a treaty on the following basis: 1. Restoration of the Union. 2. Abolition of slavery. 3. A general convention of all the States to be held for the purpose of introducing inte the Constitution amendments such as the formal and explicit recognition of State rights, the defence to Congress to make any laws relative to the colored population, after the abolition of slavery, and a modification of the electoral system with regard to presidential elections. The first of these amendments would put an end to all discussions concerning State sovereignty; the second would finally settle the condition of the colored people; and the third should be so contrived as to diminish electoral agitations by making it impossible for one of the two sections of the country to elect a President without the assent of the other. No. 108.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Bigelow. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, April 8, 1865. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 17th of March, No. 62, in which you give me the result of a conversation you held with Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys on the 17th ultimo, in regard to our relations with France. That paper has been read with interest, and your proceedings are approved. The same mail that brings your despatch bears to us intelligence of the attempted escape from Ferrol of the Stonewall, in order to enter upon a career of piratical depredations upon American commerce, which was only frustrated by the vigilance of the United States cruisers in that vicinity. This occurrence and the rapid decadence of the rebellion, since your conversation with Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, will justify a recurrence to the subject at an early opportunity. The insurrection has now no port or access to the sea, no fixed seat of its pretended government, no coherent civil administration, no army that is not, in consequence of repeated defeats, rapidly dissolving into fragments, and the only ships that assume to carry its flag are those foreign-built vessels, which, from the day their keels were laid on neutral soil, have never ventured to approach within hundreds of miles of the scene of the insurrection, and have only derived their ability to rob and plunder from the concession to them of belligerent privileges by powers which have repeatedly assured us of their disposition to be neutral in the strife. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c, &c., &c. Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. [Two enclosures.] No. 75.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The "corps legislatif" have finally disposed of the amendments proposed to the address from the throne which related specially to America. The one deploring the blood shed for a foreign prince in Mexico provoked a lengthy and somewhat angry debate, though the opposition was confined exclusively, I believe, to the republican wing of the assembly, neither Berryer nor Thiers speaking or voting. Out of two hundred and forty-one votes, but sixteen voted for the amendment. No different result was to have been anticipated, as the Mexican policy of the government stands more in need than any other, at the present moment, of the unqualified support of the chambers. A report of this debate translated from the Moniteur will be found enclosed. The speeches of Messrs. Corta and Rouher show what view the government wishes should be taken of its efforts thus far to found a European dynasty in Mexico. It will be seen that these gentlemen have made the most of the conciliatory tone taken by your representatives abroad in reference to the future of the President's policy toward foreign states in the western hemisphere. The other amendment, tendering sympathies and thanks to the United States for their efforts in behalf of civil liberty, was not debated. M. Pelletan made a short speech, but the news of Lee's flight, and the evacuation of Petersburg 17 D C *. and Richmond, had reached the house only a few moments before he began, and the members were not in the humor at that moment, as you may suppose, to have the relations of France with the United States made the subject of a general discussion. The majority, at least, required time to take counsel before defining their position upon questions which the news of the day rendered more delicate than ever. M. Pelletan, who, I was told, had intended to enter at considerable length into our affairs, found in the events reported by telegraph logic more conclusive than any he had to offer, and so contented himself with a brief amnplification of the amendment. After a thrilling allusion to the news, he asked the chamber to send its felicitations across the Atlantic. A report of M. Pelletan's speech, translated from the Moniteur, is also enclosed. The amendment received twenty-four votes, eight more than were given for the Mexican amendment. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. JOHN BIGELOW. [Enclosure No. 1.] CORPS LEGISLATIF OF FRANCE-SESSION OF THE 10TH APRIL, 1865. Debate on the amendment to the address about Mexico.-(Translated from the Moniteur, PRESIDENT SCHNEIDER. There were two amendments on paragraph sixteen. The modifications demanded for the first amendment having been obtained, it requires no further notice from us; the second remains for consideration. It is presented by Messrs. Bethment, Jules Favre, and others, and is thus expressed: "In Mexico we more than ever deplore the blood shed for a foreign prince, the national sovereignty unrecognized, and our future policy badly entangled, (mal engagé.) In conformity with the declarations of the govern ment we await the recall of our troops." M. JULES FAVRE has the floor for the development of this amendment. Gentleman, said he, I am almost abashed at rising to speak again. [Speak! speak!] We demand by our amendment that our troops shall be immediately recalled; in the solution of this question the country is deeply interested. I waive as inopportune all discussion upon the origin of the war of Mexico, and I take the facts of the case as they present themselves at this moment. The emperor Maximilian has founded in Mexico an official empire. I earnestly desire that the condition of the country may permit of a complete pacification, and that a government may there develop the true elements of stability and greatness; but I do not desire that France should contribute to this work, nor that she should lavish her arms and her wealth to sustain a foreign power that ought to stand by its own proper strength. If we are to believe the articles of the Moniteur, the emperor of Mexico has been received with universal enthusiasm; the whole population hailed him as a saviour. Among the disaffected there were none but brigands and anarchists, who, thank God! were there, as elsewhere, in a very small minority. Thus everything is going on well, if we judge from the official documents. True, we have not the power to consult other statements; and, inasmuch as nothing relating to this question has been laid before the Chamber, I consider that it has been treated with disrespect. Why this silence? All political documents are our common property. It is impossible not to remark, that by the side of these official declarations we have others which contradict them, and which affirm that the country has never ceased to be in a state of war. The first fact that strikes us is, that the emperor Maximilian, ever since he touched the soil of Mexico, has found it impossible to conform to the programme he traced out for himself. You have not forgotten the declaration of Maximilian at Miramar, when he replied to the deputation which came to offer him the crown, that he accepted it, but only upon the condition that he held it by the will of the whole nation. This declaration was also made by the French government. In reference to this the minister of foreign affairs, who was the interpreter of the imperial letter of July 3, 1862, wrote on the 17th of August, 1863: "The government will submit to the Mexican people the question of the political régime, which is to be definitely established." Upon such promises Maximilian departed; and such are the conditions enjoined upon him by France. These conditions are succinctly insisted on by the despatch of 17th of August, 1863. The orator read an extract from this despatch which set forth the manner in which the Mexican people should be called to give their verdict, so that there might be no shadow of a doubt as to the expression of the will of the nation. Nowhere, continued the orator, could we find more reasonable words, but they seem to be dictated by honorable and very singular illusions, since the minister who wrote them supposed that no sooner should the emperor Maximilian arrive at Mexico than he would be greeted by a submissive and sympathetic nation, and that there was nothing to do but to apply to the rural magistrates (gardes champêtres) to insure the elections. [Noise.] Unhappily this was not the case, and it will be interesting to place, not the entire truth, since we are not able to get at that, but a few figures alongside of the letter which states the indispensable conditions for the establishment of the new government. The honorable member read a document from which it appeared that, during the year 1864, there were 8,070 men put hors de combat, 1,601 of whom were killed; 179 cannon had been taken by the French, as also 2,630 muskets and 1,400 horses. Such, gentlemen, was, in 1864, the state of a country that they called, and still continue to call, pacified. I will not present to the Chamber the sorrowful episodes, the deeds of arms in which French blood so freely flowed, the treachery of certain Mexicans who, after having betrayed their country, betrayed the Frenchmen of their party, basely abandoning them, and delivering them into the hands of their countrymen. These facts prove that Mexico is still in a state of war; and this is yet further proved by the siege of Oajaca, where Marshal Bazaine has been obliged to go, which has been attended by much sacrifice, and has ended in the taking of some thousands of men. I ask the government if it desires such a position of affairs to continue, if it intends to prolong such expeditions; for not only have we gone to Monterey, but I believe I speak the truth when I say that preparations are now making for an expedition into Sonora. Now, whoever is acquainted with the province knows that there are difficulties there which, if not insurmountable for our courageous soldiers, are, at least, very terrible for them. What business have we to put ourselves in such a situation? Is that what we have been promised? Should not the emperor Maximilian, once placed upon the throne, be able to defend himself? Moreover, what does all this mean? We proclaim the principle of nationalities in Germany and in Italy, and just now an honorable member of the majority reproached me for not having laid sufficient stress on this. And we went to Mexico to establish a government by the sword; when it was established, instead of recalling our army we place ourselves in the alternative of a disaster, or of an interminable war against the peoples who may continually present themselves upon the field of battle. In fact, not only do the documents attest that Mexico is not pacified, that the de clarations of the government are contrary to truth, but the partisans of Maximilian acknowledge that the present army is indispensable to the maintenance of his power, and that it is even necessary to augment its proportions. The orator read a fragment of an article taken from an official journal of Mexico, which speaks of the ill usage that the friends of the new regime are likely to experience, and which ill usage will have a tendency to abate the devotion of the partisans of the empire, and to hinder the populations to co-operate actively in the work of pacification. The writer of the article thinks it will be necessary to maintain a French army of 45,000 men in Mexico. This, gentlemen, is what has been printed under the eyes of the emperor Maximilian, and this is the family council which is indispensable for him to maintain himself upon the throne and to enable him to exercise his guardianship over Mexico. [Different movements. Approbation from some benches.] This must be energetically confuted here. In the commissions of supplementary credits last year it was said that at the end of the year there should not be a French soldier in Mexico. This promise has shared the fate of many others; I will not say ministerial, but human promises. It must, however, be fulfilled, for it would be deceiving the Chamber and the country to protest that we were concentrating around Mexico, while we were undertaking to conquer by armed force a country ten times larger than France, and where the guerillas, who are the strength of the nation, and in whom its patriotism has taken refuge-[loud disapprobation.] His Excellency M. ROUHER, minister of state. Do not speak of brigands in such terms. M. GARNIER PAGES. They said also "brigands of the Loire in 1815." Mr. PICCIONE. I ask to speak against the amendment. Mr. JULES FAVRE. We have the right to say that, since the government pretends that Mexico is pacified, and that Maximilian is hailed by the popular sympathy, it shall no longer maintain around his throne a force which might be so necessary to France. I conclude by calling the attention of all the thinking men who hear me to a danger apparent to all, and which is too serious to be slighted. In 1862, when the expedition was in process of formation, I took the liberty of warning the Chamber of the dangers and contingencies which might arise from a contest with the United States. It is difficult to imagine how deeply the American heart has been wounded by our expedition to Mexico. And may we not fear that at the termination of a terrible, a gigantic war, |