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clothed with full, and final, and exclusive power to define those limits.

The opposing political school was that of JEFFERSON, denominated par excellence by his admirers the "Apostle of Freedom,” and by others the "Apostle of Revolution." The character of his school, if not altogether French, was decidedly theoretical and revolutionary; for it holds, that the Government of the Union, created by the Constitution, is, after all, practically only a" Confederacy," in which each of the confederating parties retains an ultimate, independent "sovereignty," with the power at any time, in its own discretion and upon its own separate judgment, without appeal, to nullify any act of the general government; a theory establishing, as the logical and inevitable result, the lawful right of any State to resist and overthrow the "Nation" and the paramount national sovereignty, which WASHINGTON and his supporters thought they had called into being.

The utter antagonism between these opposing theories was not immediately apparent in any practical results, but is now painfully manifest in the pending Rebellion. Without trespassing on any party topics, it may be safely affirmed, that permanent peace never will, and never can be re-established on this American continent, until the conflict of those theories shall be effectually ended. The question admits of no compromise; for it is as morally certain as any fixed law of Nature, that if a single spark of "State Sovereignty," containing within itself the element of lawful "secession," shall be left to smoulder in the framework of the Government, the revolutionary flame, may be at any time rekindled, and with redoubled fury.

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The American "Union" became a Nation," by the necessary political operation of the Constitution, which conferred upon it paramount and transcendent sovereignty over the great national subjects of war, treaties, money, commerce, the post, &c., &c., distinctly specified in the Constitution. Precisely to the same extent, the Constitution extinguished or abridged the pre-existing "sover

The fundamental difference on this vital point, gave its tone to the two political parties at an early stage of our history. It soon became evident that Mr. JEFFERSON and his adherents sympathized much more fully aud sincerely with the revolutionary movements in France, overthrowing its former institutions, political and religious,-than with the Government of England, which upheld a monarchy with Christianity and an Established Church. On the other hand, the disciples of WASHINGTON and HAMILTON, who largely predominated in New York and in New England, preferred, as between the two belligerents, England to France.

Such were the political accessories surrounding the College in 1810; but within its walls, there was a noble and commanding figure, deeply impressing its image upon our Class during the whole four years of our academic life. For who of us can ever forget the teachings of President DWIGHT? I shall not attempt to paint a portrait which the greater artists who have preceded me, have so faithfully and glowingly executed: nor to depict the rich, Johnsonian rotundity of his intellect; the noble elevation of his Christian character; his penetrating knowledge of the human heart; the lofty dignity of his carriage and example. I shall speak of him only as a politician; as the perfect type of the grand, old Federalist of the better days of the Republic: the lover of law, of justice, of order, of regu

eignty" of the separate States, which simply retained the residue, or residuum, not granted to the Union. Certain legal powers may be concurrent, but "sovereignty' from its very nature, must be exclusive. The national sovereignty of the Union, within the limits specified by the Constitution, is necessarily exclusive and supreme. The only sovereignty the States can possibly possess, is a residuary sovereignty" beyond those limits, which are to be ascertained and defined only by the national judiciary provided by the Constitution.

The Articles of Confederation, of 1778, commence by denominating the United States of America a Confederacy." The second Article distinctly and carefully reserves to each State, "its sovereignty, freedom and independence." No such denomination or reservation, nor any clause of similar import, is contained in the Constitution,--which was expressly and avowedly framed to remedy the manifold evils of the Confederation, by establishing a "Union," with a Government partly

lated liberty; the friend and companion of WASHINGTON; the firm upholder of the American Union in all its sovereign powers; the "faithful soldier and servant of Christ unto his life's end."

The soothing hand of time, in fifty years, has softened and removed many political prejudices, which stood forth so sharp and salient fifty years ago; for no one could possibly mistake the political opinions of President DWIGHT in 1810. If I were to select any one characteristic which would paint his political portrait at a single stroke, it would be, not merely his disapprobation, but his utter abomination of Napoleon Bonaparte and Thomas Jefferson. He took no pains to conceal it, but during the whole four years of our college course, strenuously labored, both in and out of the lecture room,-in and out of the pulpit,-to impress upon his pupils his own solemn and deep-seated convictions. Who of us can ever forget those tremendous sermons from the text, "Watchman, what of the night?" delivered on the days of the National Fast; or the unmitigated indignation with which he denounced the French Revolution and the tyranny of Napoleon?

The Government had declared war against England in June, 1812, about a week after the arrival of the army of Napoleon on the Niemen. It was a just and necessary war; for of the two great spoliators of our commerce, England only was accessible to our attack; but it did not blind the eyes of thoughtful men to the gigantic danger to the freedom of the world, from the

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federal and partly national in structure, but exclusively national in its specified powers.

The official letter of WASHINGTON, as President of the Convention, sent forth with the Constitution, in 1787, distinctly declared it to be "impracticable in the federal government of these States, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and to provide for the interest and safety of all.”

The foreign writers who honestly speak of the Union as a "Confederacy,” must do so in ignorance of the Constitution. At home, the term is so applied by juggling, party politicians, who wish to " play fast and loose,"-to appear to be upholding at the same moment, the legitimate sovereignty of the Union and a directly antagonist sovereignty in the separate States,

victorious career of France. In that view President DWIGHT taught us to rejoice, and most of us did rejoice, at every step in that mighty struggle, which terminated in 1814, with the downfall of Napoleon-at the noble patriotism of the Russian Emperor; the magnificent sacrifice of Moscow; the tremendous "Battle of the Nations," the Völker-Schlacht of Leipsic; the final capture of Paris and the restoration of the Bourbons. Subsequent events may have materially modified the views we then took of that great event, but the Class left the College in 1814 almost unanimously rejoicing that "the Tyrant," as we were taught to think him, had ceased to be the terror of the human race.

Nay more; although we were at war with England, capturing her frigates on the ocean, and her fleets on our northern lakes, we rejoiced at every step in her gallant defence of the freedom of the world on the Spanish Peninsula, and gladly followed the victorious career of WELLINGTON from his narrow foot-hold in Portugal, in 1810, to his triumphant entry into Paris, in 1814; covering almost precisely the four years of our College life. English in descent, in language, in literature, in religion, we gave our hearts wholly to England in that terrible struggle. How has England repaid us? Where have been her sympathies when we, too, were fighting for the freedom of a Continent? We leave the " Alabama," built of English oak, with English gold, manned by English sailors, and sent down headlong with her English cannon to the bottom of the English Channel, to tell the story."

4 It is a singular fact, that the most bitter enemies of the American Union in England are found among the Tory party, upon whom we lavished our sympathies in their contest with the first Napoleon; while our most efficient and valued friends, such as COBDEN, BRIGHT, FORSTER, LEFEVRE, MILL, GOLDWIN SMITH and others, are “Liberals," who regard the political reforms and revolutions of modern days, in a much more philosophic spirit. Some of the Tories, in their speeches and published writings, recommend a division of the United States, into four parts, to begin with; while others express their opinion, that six would be a better number,-especially for England.

It would be a great mistake to suppose, that the malignity towards America, which the London Times now exhibits, is a feeling of recent origin. On the contrary, its editorial course for the last fifty years has been quite consistent, reaching back even to our College era. On the twentieth of April, 1814, Napoleon abdicated the throne of France, and went into exile at Elba. Peace between France and England immediately followed, and was formally proclaimed on the 17th of May following. On the 20th of May, the London Times expressed the hope that "the Genevese democrat GALLATIN, or the famous ora"tor CLAY," who had gone out to Europe to negotiate a peace. between America and England, "will be no more listened to 66 now than when they so earnestly pleaded the cause of the "monster Bonaparte." It expressed the further hope, that "the "British negotiators will not discuss the impudent nonsense, "called an American doctrine, about impressment and native allegiance, but will demand the safe and undivided possession of the Lakes, the abandonment of the Newfoundland Fishery, and the restoration of Louisiana and the usurped terri"tory of Florida !" To insure the accomplishment of these peculiarly British objects, the Times further recommended that a large detachment from the victorious army of Wellington, then in the south of France, should be sent out at once to America.

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The British Government attempted to follow this precious. advice, but was slightly unsuccessful. By some accident, Commodore MACDONOUGH, on the 11th of September, 1814, swept the whole British fleet out of Lake Champlain. By another accident, on the 8th of January following, General JACKSON evicted from the soil of Louisiana every veteran of Wellington's army who had ventured to cross the Atlantic.

It is a curious coincidence, and one which serves quite accurately to define the chronology of our academic life, in connec

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