of two parts widely separated in the message, and referring to matters having no direct connection with each other. The first is as follows: "The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." 1

The foregoing declaration followed a statement of the negotiations then pending with Russia, growing out of the imperial ukase of 1821, setting up claims to sovereignty in America which were being contested by the United States. These claims, as we have seen, were adjusted by treaty in 1824.

2

The second part of the declaration is preceded in the message by a reference to the disturbed condition of Spain and the forcible intervention therein of the allied powers; it then says: "We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers [the allied powers of Europe], to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great considera1 2 Richardson's Messages, 209. 2 Supra, p. 265.

tion and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. . . . Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference."1

While the events which brought about the two declarations of this message had no direct connection with each other, they do have an intimate relation in that they both look to the exclusion of European influence from this hemisphere. The first declares against future European colonization; the second, against the

1 2 Richardson's Messages, 218, 219.

extension of the political system of the Holy Alliance to this hemisphere, and against the intervention of any European power in the affairs of the Spanish-American states, for the purpose of oppressing them, or in any other manner controlling their destiny. The first declaration has long ago accomplished its purpose with the occupation of all the territory of the two continents by sovereign and civilized states or their dependencies, and it has ceased to have any further application.

But the second declaration embodies a living principle to be applied whenever circumstances make it necessary. The cause which gave rise to its promulgation in 1823, the Holy Alliance, has long since ceased to exist; but the principle which is the basis of the Monroe Doctrine is as vital to-day as at any time in the past. That principle is the right and duty of selfdefense. It was upon the ground that we regarded it "as dangerous to our peace and safety," that President Monroe warned the Holy Alliance against interference with the independence of the Spanish-American republics which we had recognized. It was because of "our peace and safety" we could not view without concern any interposition [by European nations] for the purpose of oppressing them [these republics] or controlling in any other manner their destiny." While we had been the first among the nations to recognize the independence of these struggling republics, President Monroe was not controlled in making his declaration by a determination to reserve this hemisphere for republican government, much as our people rejoiced in its success, for he himself recognized the empire of Iturbide in

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Mexico and that of Brazil. It was because of the conviction that our peace and safety" required that European influence and dominion should not be further extended on these continents. "It is impossible," said President Monroe in further expression of his declaration, "that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness." And in his annual message the next year (1824)1 he repeats: "It is impossible for the European governments to interfere in their concerns [the other American states] . without affecting us." While the declaration is very broad in its application, it is very precise and restricted as to its cause. It is America for the Americans, because otherwise "the peace and safety" of the United States would be endangered.

President Monroe might have communicated this declaration to the allied powers in the usual diplomatic form, through the Department of State, to our ministers at the various European capitals, but he wisely adopted the form of its promulgation in his annual message to Congress. It thus became a notice, not to the Holy Alliance only, but to the whole world, of the policy of the United States.

Few, if any, official utterances of the century have had such general and lasting influence. When the message was published in London it received universal commendation. Said one of the journals: "We shall hear no more of a congress to settle the fate of the South American States; " another: "It is worthy the

1 Ib. 260.

occasion and of the people destined to occupy so large a space in the future history of the world." Mr. Canning's biographer, in recording the effect of its publication in Europe, says that, coupled with the refusal of England to take part in the proposed congress to discuss Spanish-American affairs, it effectually put an end to the project. Mr. Brougham, the English statesman, said: "The question with regard to South America is now disposed of, or nearly so, for an event has recently happened than which no event has dispensed greater joy, exultation, and gratitude over all the freemen of Europe; that event, which is decisive on the subject in respect of South America, is the message of the President of the United States to Congress." It is further reported that "the South American deputies in London were wild with joy, and South American securities of every sort rose in value."

The manner in which it was received in the United States was described by Mr. Webster, in a speech delivered in the Senate three years later, as follows: "It met, sir, with the entire concurrence and hearty approbation of the country. One general glow of exultation, one universal feeling of gratified love of liberty, one conscious and proud perception of the consideration which our country possessed, and of the respect and honor which belonged to it, pervaded all bosoms." 1

An undue share of credit has been assigned to Mr. Canning for the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine, and to him has even been ascribed the origin or first suggestion of the idea. But it has been seen that fif1 3 Webster's Works, 178.