be broken off, but war might be the consequence. In addition to this embarrassment the British government had to be placated, as the indignation of the kingdom was awakened by the summary executions. The British Minister for Foreign Affairs said to Mr. Rush, after the difficulty had been adjusted, war might have been produced "if the Ministry had but held up a finger."

"1

The President, after a Cabinet council, decided at once to disavow the acts as unauthorized, the Spanish posts were delivered back, and the American troops withdrawn. But the discussion and decision of the Cabinet were the subject years after of warm party disputes and personal animosities. Strange to say, the only member of the Cabinet to defend Jackson's course was Mr. Adams, the experienced diplomat; but on this, as on other occasions while Secretary of State, he was only manifesting his intense Americanism, which more than ever it became the duty of Monroe to temper with discretion.2

The negotiations for the cession of Florida were very tedious, and Spanish subterfuges and delays often tried Mr. Adams's patience. They were also embarrassed by opposing influences in the United States. The sympathy of the American people had become strongly enlisted in behalf of the revolted Spanish colonies, which had for several years been carrying on a struggle against the mother country. Henry Clay had become their champion, and was seeking to obtain a recognition by our government of their independence.

1 3 Schouler's U. S. 71, 80.

24 For. Rel. 495-509; 3 Schouler's U. S. 67-83.

It had, in the presidency of Madison, granted them belligerent rights, and they had freely made use of our ports in furtherance of their military operations. In fact, the Spanish minister in Washington was kept busy in lodging complaints of the imperfect and partial enforcement of neutrality. To recognize their independence was to dismiss all hopes of a treaty acquisition of Florida, which was the matter then most desired by the administration. On the other hand, Mr. Clay contended that the recognition of the Spanish-American republics ought no longer to be delayed, and that Florida was bound in the course of events to come to us. Besides, the Jackson invasion had been a warning to Spain that unless she gave heed to the solicitations of the American government, she might lose the province by force, and with it all compensation. The argument of the situation to her was that she had better sell out than be driven out; and the treaty of cession was finally signed in February, 1819.

By its terms Florida was ceded to the United States in exchange for the assumption by the latter of all the claims of its citizens against Spain, and the sum of five millions of dollars was stipulated to be disbursed for that purpose. The treaty was also of value in that it determined by exact delineation the western boundary of the Louisiana territory. The latter was established along the Sabine River, thence to the Arkansas River, and along the 42d degree of latitude to the "South Sea," as it was called in the treaty, or the Pacific Ocean. We thus acquired our first treaty right of access to the Pacific, as the Louisiana territory never extended beyond the Rocky Mountains.

The western boundary along the Sabine River was of more present importance then, because it surrendered the claim, which had been put forward with much insistence, that Texas up to the Rio Grande was included in the Louisiana purchase. Laussat, the French prefect, who transferred the province of Louisiana to the United States, stated that the western boundary was the Rio Bravo (Grande),' and Mr. Jefferson, who made a careful study of the subject, maintained the same view.2 Mr. Adams held strongly to this contention, and only yielded to the judgment of Monroe, who claimed that in due time Texas would be absorbed in the Union. The country was at that time in the throes of the Missouri slavery discussion, and the prudent judgment of Monroe was that it was not wise to complicate the acquisition of Florida with the doubtful claim to Texas, which would not fail to have the effect of strengthening the anti-slavery sentiment in the country.3

Adams, in signing the treaty, records in his diary that it is "perhaps the most important day of my ... a great epoch in our history."

life;

1 2 For. Rel. 575.

28 Writings of Jefferson, 242.

But he was

For treaty questions, boundary, etc., 4 For. Rel. 422-625.

The diary of J. Q. Adams extends through his eventful life, and is a valuable contribution to the history of his times. It will be interesting to give a fuller extract than the sentence above quoted, to indicate the spirit in which he penned his journal. This extract recalls the exaltation of the elder Adams on the signing of the treaty of peace of 1782, already cited. After giving a detailed account of the signing of the treaty, he writes: "It was perhaps one in the morning when I closed the day with ejaculations of fervent gratitude to the Giver of all good. It

destined to still further delays before the treaty became a reality. It was submitted to the Senate, promptly and unanimously ratified by that body, and presented to the Spanish government for exchange of ratifications ; but the king hesitated and asked for delay. Among the causes, real or alleged, were two prominent ones. After the treaty had been practically agreed upon, the king had made grants of large tracts of lands to three of his nobles, embracing about all the public lands in the province. These grants would deprive the United States of much of the benefits expected to be derived to its treasury by the cession, and the President insisted upon a clause abrogating them. The other cause of delay was a demand on the part of Spain that the United States should more stringently enforce its neutrality laws, and should give an assurance that it would not recognize the independence of the revolted colonies. Much as the President desired the acquisition of Florida, he was not prepared to give the latter assurance.

These matters were the subject of anxious Cabinet deliberations on the eve of the assembling of Congress, and while the annual message was being prepared. The President was steering the ship of state between Scylla and Charybdis, - having a desire in his public

was perhaps the most important day of my life. What the consequences may be of the compact this day signed with Spain is known only to the all-wise and all-beneficent Disposer of events, who has brought it about in a manner utterly unexpected, and by means the most extraordinary and unforeseen. . . . Let no idle and unfounded exultation take possession of my mind, as if I could ascribe to my own foresight or exertions any portion of the event. It is the work of an intelligent and all-embracing Cause." 4 Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, 274.

...

utterances not to offend Spain on the one hand, nor on the other to put himself in hostility to the strong sympathy of the country for the Spanish-American republics. In the midst of the Cabinet conferences, Secretary Crawford, who was a treasure-house of anecdotes, came forward with a narration of the experience of a Georgia governor who told his secretary to make the phrase of a certain executive document "a little more mysterious." It is reported that the story created a hearty laugh around the presidential table, and the hint was evidently followed in the message, which dwelt at much length on the long and unnecessary delays of Spain in the ratification of the treaty, but gave scant and vague consideration to the revolted colonies.1 Mr. Adams records that the President adopted his advice, "that the less said about those republics, just now, the better, for independence and recognition would come in good time."

The delay in exchanging the treaty continued, notwithstanding the prudent course of the President, and when two years had nearly passed, Adams favored occupying Florida without the ratification, but more conservative counsels prevailed; and, finally, just two years after the signature, the treaty was promulgated. There was no assurance given of non-recognition of the Spanish-American states as a condition of the proclamation of the treaty; and within two weeks thereafter President Monroe sent a message to Congress recommending such recognition, and this was favorably acted upon by Congress on May 4, 1822. It was followed 1 2 Richardson's Messages, 54, 58.