ing, Adams's dismissed Secretary of State, upon whose recommendation the Logan Act was passed, then a senator from Massachusetts, entered into secret communication with George Rose, who had been sent to Washington by the British ministry on a special mission to adjust these differences. He gave the special envoy to understand that Jefferson was not supported by a large party in the United States, and he sought to stiffen the minister in his attitude, with assurance that in time the country would reverse Jefferson's policy. He said: "You have only to travel to Boston to find out that our best citizens consider the interests of the United States interwoven with those of Great Britain, and that our safety depends on hers." Rose's mission failed, but before he returned to London Pickering arranged with him the means of carrying on a secret correspondence. Pickering's conduct does not appear to have been made public at the time, but the political practices of the day were such that a senator could hardly have been convicted under the statute. His intense partisanship may be seen in his published declaration a few years earlier that before Jefferson's term was concluded the Federalists would "curse the day which detached them from the milder government of the mother country."

I am not aware that any convictions have occurred under the Logan Act, but it has several times in late years been appealed to, or held in terrorem over supposed offenders or obstructors of the government's policy. Only a few years ago a secretary of state was in discussion with the Mexican government respecting

the applicability of the civil or Roman penal law to offenses committed in the United States when the American offender came into Mexican territory. The question became the subject of newspaper discussion, and a prominent member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of our Congress, in an interview, expressed doubts as to the correctness of the secretary's position. Whereupon the congressman was warned through the press that his expression of such opinion made him liable to prosecution under this statute. This, it must be confessed, was carrying the law beyond its proper limits.

Jefferson approached the close of his term of service as President under circumstances quite different from his peaceful entrance into the office. The relations with Great Britain were of such a serious character as to indicate none other than a warlike settlement. And yet with his embargo and other peaceful expedients he was laboring to avoid the contest. He was essentially a man of peace. In 1807 he wrote: "Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history with more matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent course of happiness furnishes nothing for history to say. This is what I ambition for my country." He never fully realized the danger of war with England. His early formed antipathy for that country had led him to underestimate the tenacity of purpose and the patriotic impulses and pride of her people. But when under the extraordinary situation he assembled Congress in special session in November, 1808, it became apparent that his policy of peaceful resistance would

not attain its object, and did not commend itself to his countrymen. The winter of 1808-09 was to him one full of trouble and anxiety, as it was manifest he was sacrificing his well-earned popularity in his earnest desire for peace.

On the 4th of March, 1809, he closed his official career forever. It was in its political aspects unparalleled. No other of our public men has so fully impressed his personality upon the country. No one has had so great an influence in moulding the political sentiments of his countrymen. He had serious defects of character, but through these shine resplendent his devotion to democratic principles and an unfaltering faith in the people In his last annual message, addressing his fellow-citizens through Congress, he said: "I trust that in their steady character unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities, I see a sure guarantee of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that Heaven has in store for our beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness."

1

11 Richardson's Messages, 456.

CHAPTER VII.

ADMINISTRATIONS OF MADISON, MONROE, AND
J. Q. ADAMS.

JAMES MADISON, who, as Secretary of State, had conducted the foreign relations of the government for the past eight years with only a fair degree of success, was regarded as the legitimate successor of the great Republican chief, and was chosen President with little opposition. The responsibilities of administration, from which Mr. Jefferson had so gladly escaped, were fated to press heavily upon him. The embargo which so greatly embarrassed the country had proved a failure, and he was confronted with the very troublesome questions with England inherited from his predecessor, which were destined to bring him great anxiety, and, finally, much against his inclination and wishes, to plunge the nation into another war with the mother country.

His choice for Secretary of State should naturally have fallen upon either James Monroe or Albert Gallatin. The first had recently returned from the London mission, and the other, as Secretary of the Treasury inder Jefferson, had shown himself the most able and fluential member of the Cabinet. But the President

that, in the peculiar condition of affairs, he must

"strengthen himself with the party," and he was led to select a man for the head of the Cabinet, Robert Smith, of Maryland, who had no special fitness for the post, but whose brother was a senator, and the family influential in political and financial circles; but he failed in his object. Gallatin was continued in the Treasury, and the two brothers Smith conspired with a coterie of friends to obstruct important financial legislation out of jealousy of Gallatin. Their opposition soon extended in a covert manner to the President, threatening to make a serious breach in the administration ranks. Finally Mr. Madison determined upon a change in the Department of State, and, in order to bring it about with as little injury as possible to his party, tendered Mr. Smith a diplomatic appointment in Europe; but the latter, after considering it for some days, declined the offer, resigned in high temper, and issued an address to the people. The event resulted in a violent newspaper wrangle, but the unfaithfulness of the secretary was so fully exposed that the country heartily indorsed the President's action. In a memorandum written at the time of Smith's forced resignation, April, 1811, Mr. Madison gives full details of the event, and states as the reason for the former's displacement, his outside criticism of the President, and an inefficiency in managing his department, which threw additional work on the President' shoulders.1

In filling the vacancy he turned instinctively to his old friend James Monroe. The latter had cherished aspiration for the presidency on the retirement of Jef1 2 Madison's Works (ed. 1865), 495.