“I suppose you refer to my giving freedom to the slaves; but, Sojourner, the men who have preceded me-Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and others—would have done just as I have, had the time called for such action. If the people over the other side of the Potomac had behaved themselves, I would not have done what I have; but they did not, and I was compelled to do those things."

“I t'ank God, Mr. President, dat He s'lected you to do it.”

"Here is what the colored people of Baltimore gave me the other day," said the President, taking up the Bible presented on the Fourth of July. "Isn't it beautiful? They have given it to the Head of the Government. And yet, only a little while ago, the laws would not permit the colored people to read it."

"Will you write your name for me, Mr. President?" she asked. Certainly." His autograph was written:

October 29, 1864.

For Aunty Sojourner Truth.

A. Lincoln.

"I shall be pleased to see you again, aunty," said the President, as she departed.

Frederick Douglas, who had also been a slave, was once more in Washington. The President, desiring to talk with him upon some points concerning the welfare of the colored people, invited him to the White House.

"Come and take tea with me," read the note.

The citizens of Washington were astonished to see Mr. Douglas riding to the executive mansion in the President's own carriage, and still more amazed to learn that a colored man had been a guest at Mr. Lincoln's table.

"The President," said Mr. Douglas, "is one of the few men with whom I have passed an hour who did not remind me in some way that I am a negro."

In several of the Northern States elections for State officers were to be held during the months of September and October. The Republicans feared the draft for 500,000 men, ordered by the President, would influence the people to vote the Democratic ticket. They visited Washington and importuned Mr. Lincoln to withdraw the call, or at least to suspend it till after the elections. A committee from Ohio came, asking for its suspension. Very plain, patriotic, and pertinent the President's question:

"What is the Presidency worth to me if I have no country?" (2)

He comprehended what the frightened politicians could not see: that the soldiers under Grant and Sherman would lose confidence in him were he to suspend the draft. He never had deceived them. They trusted him. To suspend the draft in order to gain political advantage would be a fatal mistake.

"If the President," said General Sherman, "modifies the draft to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone forever. The army would vote against him."

Nearly all the Northern States had statutes enabling the soldiers to vote in the field. Indiana had failed to enact such a law. The "Sons of Liberty" and the Democratic Party opposed such legislation. The draft was proceeding. The President was being denounced as a "tyrant," "butcher," who cared nothing for the soldiers. The Indiana soldiers desired to show their patriotism and loyalty by their ballots. Atlanta had been taken, and Sherman was preparing for his next movement. He would not be hampered if they were allowed to return to Indiana for a few days.

Anything," wrote the President, "that you can safely do to let the soldiers, or any part of them, go home to vote, will be greatly to the point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once. This is in no sense an order, but is merely intended to impress you with the importance to the army itself of your doing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely do."

The cars rolling northward from Atlanta during the first week in October were filled with veterans who had won the victories of Resaca, Kenesaw, and Atlanta. They were having a furlough, and were going home to Indiana to vote once more for Oliver P. Morton, governor. He had displayed great energy in carrying on the affairs of State during the war. He had been solicitous for their welfare. They trusted him. They had no sympathy with the "Knights of the Golden Circle," or "Sons of Liberty," allied with the Democratic Party.

Oct. 11.

Very few ballots were cast for the Democratic candidates by the soldiers. On the evening of the election the President visited the War Department, and sat by the side of the telegraph operator to learn the results. Gratifying the intelligence that Morton was re-elected by 20,000 majority. Pennsylvania had gained four Republican members of Congress. The majority in the State was more than 10,000. Maryland had adopted an amendment to the State Constitu

tion putting an end to slavery. Very cheering the news from Ohio, where the Republicans had a majority of 54,000. The Democrats had elected two members of Congress, the Republicans seventeen-a gain of twelve.

Notwithstanding the results were so favorable to the Republicans, Mr. Washburne, member of Congress, was afraid the President's own State would vote against him in November.

"It is no use to deceive ourselves about Illinois," he wrote. "Everything is at sixes and sevens; no head or tail to anything. There is imminent danger of our losing the State."

Mr. Lincoln read the letter, smiled, and wrote on the envelope: "Stampeded!" (')

Mr. Locke ("Reverend Petroleum V. Nasby") visited Washington in behalf of a young soldier sentenced to be shot for desertion. He was warmly welcomed by the President, who kindly listened to his story. The soldier had given his affections to a young girl before he enlisted, and they were engaged to be married. Word came to him that another was paying her especial attention. He applied for a furlough, but it not being granted, deserted, made his way home, to find the reports in a measure true. Once more the lady plighted her troth to him, and they were married. The honey-moon was suddenly interrupted by his arrest, trial, and sentence. Mr. Lincoln heard the story, and without solicitation signed the pardon.

"I'll punish him another way," he said, his face wreathed with smiles. "Probably in less than a year he will wish I had withheld the pardon. We can't tell, though. I suppose when I was a young man I should have done the same foolish thing." (")

He turned the conversation upon the political situation and the confidence of the people in his administration.

"Do the masses of the people," he asked, "hold me in any way responsible for the loss of their friends in the army? It is a good thing," he added, "that there is a Government to shoulder the acts. The shoulders of no one man are broad enough to bear what must be."

Two prominent members were striving each to obtain a foremost position in the Republican Party.

"You do not," said Mr. Locke, "take any pronounced position in relation to the controversy."

"No. I learned a great many years ago that in a fight between man and wife a third party should never get between the woman's skillet and the man's axe-helve."