Visitors to the executive chamber saw maps suspended on the walls, with the positions of the armies of the Union and Confederacy plainly marked, and their movements traced from time to time. From the outbreak of the Rebellion the President had pointed out to the members of the Cabinet and others what he conceived to be the true lines for military operations.

"I see no hope of success," said the President, as he stood looking at the maps. "This movement towards Richmond by the Army of the Potomac is on the same line as that attempted by Burnside. The one against Vicksburg by the Yazoo Pass, the movement of the monitors against Charleston, are not, in my judgment, going to be accomplished."

He never had studied military science, but he comprehended the principles that must underlie successful strategic movements.

"There was not one of his most trusted military counsellors in the beginning of the war who equalled him in military sagacity," (") said General Keyes.

The failure of Hooker produced a feeling of depression throughout the country. A poem written by E. C. Stedman, which the President read to the members of the Cabinet, well expressed public sentiment:

"Give us a man of God's own mould,

Born to marshal his fellow - men ;
One whose fame is not bought and sold
At the stroke of the politician's pen.
Give us a man of thousands ten,

Fit to do as well as to plan.
Give us a rallying cry, and then,
Abraham Lincoln, give us a man."

McClellan, Burnside, Hooker, Buell, Fremont, Pope-all had failed as commanders. Grant, who had won Donelson and Pittsburg Landing, was trying to capture Vicksburg. He had not succeeded in his attempt to turn the Mississippi by digging a canal, so as to gain the rear of Vicksburg by the Yazoo Pass. The Confederates were boasting that it was a Gibraltar, and that Grant would fail, no matter what his plan might be. General Halleck had shown no marked ability as a commander in the field. The people were asking Mr. Lincoln for what he could not give.

Senators and members of Congress were urging him to remove Grant, who, they said, was accomplishing nothing. "Mr. President," said Senator Wade, of Ohio, "I have called to ask you to relieve Grant.

He is doing nothing. His hospitals are filled with sick. His army is wasting away."

"Senator, that reminds me of a story."

you, sir.

"Bother your stories, Mr. President. That is the way with It is all story-story. You are the father of every military blunder that has been made during the war. You are on the road to h-1, sir, with this Government, and you are not a mile off this minute."

"Wade, that is about the distance from here to the Capitol," Mr. Lincoln replied, his eyes twinkling and smiles rippling his countenance. He knew that a true heart was beating in the breast of the outspoken Senator, and was not offended by the uncomplimentary language. (")

More than a quarter of a century had passed since the tragedy at Alton, Ill., in which Rev. E. P. Lovejoy was murdered (see p. 377).

Through many years Mr. Lincoln had enjoyed the personal friendship of Owen Lovejoy, a brother, who had given his life in defence of the freedom of the Press. (") The brother was member of Congress, and was always warmly welcomed at the executive mansion. He thought that national unity would be promoted by a greater mingling of Eastern with Western troops. The President saw that much good might come from such action, and wrote a note to the Secretary of War, which Mr. Lovejoy handed to Mr. Stanton.

"I will not do it," said the Secretary.

"But here, Mr. Secretary, is the President's letter." "The President is a d―d fool."

Mr. Lovejoy returned to the White House.

"Well, what now, Lovejoy?" the President asked. 66 Stanton says you are a d-d fool."

"Did he say that?"

"Yes."

"Well, if he said so, I reckon I must be, for he is nearly always right. I'll step over and see about it."

The object which Mr. Lovejoy had in view was accomplished a few months later, when a portion of the Army of the Potomac was sent west to share in the movement which swept the Confederates from Lookout Mountain and Chattanooga, and to take part in the capture of Atlanta and the March to the Sea.

In the battle of Chancellorsville the Confederates lost the very able commander, "Stonewall" Jackson, who, although fighting against the Government, was highly esteemed by Mr. Lincoln for his ability as a commander, and for the stainless purity of his character. A fitting tribute to the fallen general in the Philadelphia "Press" elicited from the President a note, thanking the editor for what he had written. (")

General Burnside had been appointed commander of the Department of Ohio. He issued an order which announced that persons who committed acts for the benefit of the enemies of the country would be tried as spies and traitors, and if convicted would suffer death. Instead of allaying discussion, the order aroused the hostility of those who opposed the war.

The Democratic Party was emboldened by the results of the fall elections. Clement L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, became very bitter. At a political meeting held at Mount Vernon he inflamed his hearers by saying it was the design of those in power to establish a despotism, and they had no intention of restoring the Union. If the people sub

mitted to the conscription, they were not worthy to be called free men. He spoke of the President as "King Lincoln." The defiant attitude and treasonable speeches of Vallandigham caused his arrest and trial by court-martial, and he was sentenced to be placed in confinement during the war. General Burnside approved the sentence, and selected Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor, as the place where he should be imprisoned. The President did not know of this. It seems probable that had Le known he would not have allowed the trial to go on. General Burnside possibly saw he had not pursued the best course: He wrote that his resignation was at the disposal of the President.

"When I wish to supersede you I will let you know," the reply.

The President saw that if Vallandigham were to be kept in confinement he would have the sympathy of the entire Democratic Party. There is humor in his action in changing the sentence of the courtthat he be sent "beyond our lines into those of his friends."

Vallandigham was accordingly escorted to the Confederate lines in Tennessee, from whence he proceeded to Richmond. It was not a very cordial reception that was given him. "He has no claim on May 25. our gratitude," said the "Richmond Examiner;" "he is simply an alien enemy, a prisoner of war, a respectable enemy.".

Mr. Vallandigham assured Jefferson Davis that if the Confederates could hold out another year the Peace Party of the North would sweep the Lincoln dynasty out of political existence. After a short stay in Richmond he ran the blockade to Nassau, and thence to Canada.

When the war began more men volunteered than were called for, but the wave of patriotism had spent its force, and Congress had ordered a draft which was to be made on the first day of July. The Democratic Party opposed it. The war was declared to be a failure. Peace conventions were held; one in New York City, which declared that "Under the Constitution there is no power to coerce the States by military force." The Democratic convention of Pennsylvania denounced the emancipation of the slaves. "The party of fanaticism," read one of the resolutions, "or crime, whichever it may be called, that seeks to turn loose the slaves of the Southern States to overrun the North, and to enter into competition with the white laboring masses, thus degrading their manhood by placing them on equality with the negroes, is insulting to our race and merits our unqualified condemnation. This is a government of white men, and was established exclusively for white

men."

The Democrats of New York held a "peace meeting" at Albany

(May 16th), at which a letter was read, written by Governor Seymour. Concerning the arrest of Vallandigham, he said:

"If it is approved by the Government and sanctioned by the people, it is not merely a step towards revolution-it is revolution. . . . If it is upheld our liberties are overthrown. ... The action of the Administration will determine, in the minds of more than one-half of the people of the loyal States, whether the war is waged to put down rebellion in the South or destroy free institutions in the North."

The convention passed a series of resolutions condemning arbitrary arrests, and calling upon the President to reverse the proceedings of the military courts.