CHAPTER XVIII.

EMANCIPATION.

EW ORLEANS was in possession of the Union troops. The peo

NEW

ple of that city did not like General Butler, who was in command; neither what General Phelps was doing-forming a regiment of negro troops. He was at Carrollton, and a great many slaves came into his camp. He thought they would make good soldiers. "I have now," he wrote, "upwards of five hundred Africans organized into five companies, who are willing and ready to show their devotion to our cause in any way that they may be put to the test. They are willing to submit to anything rather than slavery."

Mr. Reverdy Johnson had been sent to New Orleans on public business, and improved the occasion to write a letter to the President, informing him that the Union people were greatly disturbed by the enlistment of negroes. Mr. Lincoln had not discovered very much Union sentiment in Louisiana. Notwithstanding all the burdens pressing him, he found time to write to Mr. Johnson:

"It seems" [according to what Johnson had written] "the Union feeling in Louisiana is being crushed out by the course of General Phelps. Please pardon me for believing it is a false pretence. The people of Louisiana-all intelligent people everywhere-know full well that I never had a wish to touch the foundation of their society or any right of theirs. With perfect knowledge of this, they forced a necessity upon me to send armies among them, and it is their own fault, not mine, that they are annoyed by the presence of General Phelps. They also know the remedy-how to be cured of General Phelps: remove the necessity of his presence. . . . If they can conceive of anything worse than General Phelps within my power, would they not better be looking out for it? . . . I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends who would hold my hands while my enemies stab me. This appeal of professed friends has paralyzed me more in this struggle than any other one thing. You remember telling me the day after the Baltimore mob in April, 1861, that it would crush all Union feeling in Maryland for me to attempt bringing troops over Maryland soil to Washington. I brought the troops, notwithstanding, and yet there was Union feeling enough left to elect a legislature the next autumn, which in turn elected a very excellent Union United States Senator! I am a patient man-always willing to forgive on the Christian terms of repentance, and also to give ample time for repentance. Still, I must save this Government, if possible. What I cannot do, of course, I will not

do; but it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall not surrender this game leaving any available card unplayed."

A private citizen, Mr. Durant, complained that the relations between the masters and their slaves were disturbed by the presence of the Union army. He induced another gentleman, Mr. Bullitt, to write to the President, who replied:

"The rebellion will never be suppressed in Louisiana if the professed Union men there will neither help to do it, nor permit the Government to do it without their help. Now, I think the true remedy is very different from what is suggested by Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but in removing the necessity for the war.... If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of destroying the Government, it is for them to consider whether it is probable I will surrender the Government to save them from losing all. If they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to ask what I will do. What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is, or would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with rose-water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you give up the contest, leaving any available means unapplied? I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can, and I shall do all I can to save the Government, which is my sworn duty as well as my personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is too vast for malicious dealing."

The campaigns had been hap-hazard. There had been no head, and President Lincoln called General Halleck to Washington to direct military movements. He was appointed chief of staff. General Pope was also ordered from the West to command the troops in front of Washington.

It was an unfortunate announcement which Pope made. "I have come," he said, "from the West, where we have always seen the backs of our enemies." The officers and men thought he was making unjust comparison between the soldiers of the East and those of the West. Such was not his intention, but he did not reflect how it would be accepted. An imputation that they were inferior to the Western troops gave great offence. General Halleck directed Pope to concentrate his army of 40,000, and cut the railroads leading west from Richmond. General "Stonewall" Jackson with 36,000 troops hastened to oppose him. General Halleck went to Harrison's Landing to see McClellan, who had asked for 50,000 more men. "I am not authorized to promise you more than 20,000," said Halleck.

July 24.

"I will make the attempt to take Richmond with that number," McClellan replied. Halleck returned to Washington, but upon his arrival found a despatch calling for 35,000.

It was seen that General Lee was intending to hurl a large force on

Pope and annihilate him, and it was decided that the army must be withdrawn from James River. Halleck telegraphed :

'Send away your sick as fast as you can."

Three days later an order was issued for the withdrawal of the entire army, against which McClellan protested. Two weeks passed before the last of the troops left the banks of the James.

The citizens of Washington manifested their patriotic spirit during this period of gloom by assembling in mass-meeting around the eastern portico of the Capitol. It was in the evening, the moon at its Aug. 6. full. The thousands present rent the air with cheers when in response to their calling the President rose to address them:

"Fellow - citizens, I believe there is no precedent for my appearing before you on this occasion, but it is also true that there is no precedent for your being here on such an occasion. But I offer in justification of myself and of you that I do not know there is anything in the Constitution against it." (Great laughter and applause.). . . “The only thing I think of now not likely to be said by some one else is a matter in which we have heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself. There has been a very unwise attempt to have a quarrel between General McClellan and the Secretary of War. Now I occupy a position that enables me to believe at least these two gentlemen are not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some presuming to be their friends." (Cries of "Good!") "General McClellan's attitude is such that, in the very selfishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be successful-and I hope he will; and the Secretary of War is in precisely the same situation. If the military commander in the field cannot be successful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself-for the time being master of them both-cannot but be failures." (Laughter and applause.) “I know General McClellan wishes to be successful, and I know he does not wish it any more than the Secretary of War for him, and both of them together no more than I wish it." (Applause.) 'Sometimes we have a dispute about how many soldiers General McClellan has had. Those who would disparage him say he has had a very large number, and those who would disparage the Secretary of War insist that McClellan has had a very small number. The basis of this is, there is always a wide difference, and on this occasion perhaps a wider difference, between the grand total on McClellan's rolls and the men actually fit for duty. General McClellan has sometimes asked for things which the Secretary of War is not to blame for not giving when he had none to give." (Applause and laughter.) "And I say here, so far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld no one thing from him at any time in my power to give him." (Wild applause.) "I have no accusation against him. I believe he is a brave and able man" (applause), “and I stand here, as justice requires me to do, to take upon myself what has been charged to the Secretary of War, as withholding from him. I have talked longer than I expected to" ("No! no!" "Go on!"), "and now I avail myself of my privilege of saying no more."

The editor of the New York "Tribune," in March, 1861, had said to the seceding States, "Wayward sisters, go in peace;" but after twelve months of conflict Mr. Greeley was advocating extreme measures. He published a long letter over his own name in the "Tribune," accusing

"Yes."

"Will not your great losses impair the industrial resources of the North and the revenues of the country?"

"That brings to mind 'darkey arithmetic,'" said Mr. Lincoln.

"Darkey arithmetic! I did not know, Mr. President, that you have two systems of arithmetic."

"Oh yes; and I'll illustrate that point by a little story. Two young contrabands, as we now call them, were seated together. 'Jim,' said one, 'do you know 'rithm'tic?'

"No. What is 'rithm'tic?'

"It's where you adds up tings. puts dem togeder, dey makes two.

When you has one and one and When you substracts tings, if you

has two tings and you takes one away, only one remains.'

"Is dat 'rithm'tic?'

"'Yes.'

"Well, 'tain't true; it's no good.'

"Yes 'tis, and I'll show ye. Now spose tree pigeons sit on dat fence, and somebody shoots one of dem, do tother two stay dar? Dey flies away fore tother feller falls.'

"Now, gentlemen, the story illustrates the arithmetic you must use in estimating the actual losses resulting from one of our great battles. The statements you refer to give the killed, wounded, and missing at the first roll-call, which always gives an exaggerated total."

"Is it not unfortunate that such reports should go out? Would it not be better to delay making any report, Mr. President?"

"Perhaps so. But I am surprised at the smallness rather than the greatness of the number missing, when we take into account the dense woods, long marches, and the fatigues of men unaccustomed to military life."

To the astonishment of the gentlemen, the President gave comparisons between American and European wars, and showed by statistics that the missing in the battles fought by the volunteers were less than in the armies of Europe after a great battle.

Mr. William D. Kelley, member of Congress, was present, a silent listener. As the gentlemen passed from the executive chamber he heard their conversation.

"What are your impressions of him?" one asked.

"Such a person," the reply, " is quite unknown to our official circles or to those of continental nations. I think his place in history will

be unique. He has not been trained to diplomacy or administrative affairs, and is in all respects one of the people. But how wonderfully he is endowed and equipped for the performance of the duties of the chief executive office of the United States at this time! The precision and minuteness of his information on all questions to which we referred was a succession of surprises to me." (*)

The colored people- not only those in the Northern States, but throughout the South-knew from the time Abraham Lincoln was nominated for the Presidency that he represented Freedom; that the party supporting him was pledged to prevent the further extension of Slavery. They comprehended that the war was a conflict between Freedom and Slavery. The most ignorant slaves on a Southern plantation understood that Mr. Lincoln represented Liberty. Many thousand colored people were in Washington. Their churches on Sunday were thronged. The children were gathered into Sunday-schools, which held a May-day celebration.

Never had there been such a spectacle witnessed in the United States as that on the day set apart for the festivities. Parents arrayed themselves and their children in gaudy clothing, displaying startling contrasts of color-white, yellow, green, blue, crimson—regardless of artistic harmony. The marshals wore huge rosettes, and marched with conspicuous dignity. The procession came down Pennsylvania Avenue, entered the White House grounds, and passed beneath the portico. At one of the windows stood the President. The teachers had endeavored to impress the children that they must march in solemn and dignified silence when in the presence of the greatest man in the world. They might as well have said to the yeast in a barrel of beer there must be no fermentation. The ministers and teachers at the head of the procession passed the President with stately dignity, but the irrepressible yeast burst forth with the coming of the first file of boys. Hooray! Hooray!" they shouted, and waved their flags. The enthusiasm ran down the line. The girls tossed their flowers into the window. "There he is!" "I seen him!" "Dats Mars. Linkum." "Look at him!" "Look at him!” (1)

Till the last child has passed he stands there. Never before has a President of the United States reviewed such a procession. Never before has a chief magistrate so recognized a down-trodden people, or so acknowledged the brotherhood of the human race.

His thoughts were turned from the children to the war. May 10th McClellan telegraphed for more troops: