of the Constitution, and would destroy the Democratic party and the country. [Great applause.]

Mr. Richardson wanted to speak, but Mr. Hooker of Mississippi persisted in raising a point of order on him. John Cochrane said there might be peace-offerings coming.

Amidst a babel of noise and confusion the vote was taken according to the call of Mr. Ewing.

The roll call was constantly interrupted by questions and explanations.

The Northern States first voted affirmatively, but finding the South refused to vote, changed their votes to the negative, amidst cries of What's the dodge now?" "That's a back down!" and the like.

The vote was announced, and the preamble and resolutions were rejected.

It was rejected by the following vote:

YEAS-New Hampshire 1, Rhode Island 4, Pennsylvania 8, Missouri 4, Kentucky 4-21.

NAYS-Maine 8, New Hampshire 4, Vermont 5, Massachusetts 13, Connecticut 6, New York 35, New Jersey 7, Pennsylvania 19, Delaware 2, Maryland 8, Virginia 15, North Carolina 10, South Carolina 8, Missouri 5, Tennessee 12, Kentucky 8, Ohio 23; Indiana 13, Illinois 11, Michigan 6, Wisconsin 5, Iowa 4, Minnesota 4, California 4, Oregon 3-238.

A division was called on all the remaining resolutions, and they were severally adopted; that relating to the rights of naturalized citizens receiving a unanimous vote, even in this divided Convention. The resolutions adopted, in addition to the Cincinnati Platform, are as follows:

3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional Government aid as will insure the construction of a Railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period.

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.

6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Mr. Stuart of Michigan now procured the floor, and made a very irritating speech, exceedingly ill-timed, unless he intended to drive out the Gulf States, and he has been accused of entertaining such purpose. Writing, some days afterward, of this scene, I said of the part Mr. Stuart performed:

So, as oon as the platform was adopted, he took the stand upon a motion to reconsider, made for the purpose of injecting a speech into the proceedings at that stage, and proceeded in the most offensive way to claw at the old sore of the party, already full of fever. If his object was to produce irritation, he succeeded admirably. The explosion followed fast upon his incendiary shaking of fire-brands in the party

powder-house. But there was more powder in the explosion than Stuart calculated upon. Instead of merely blowing off a fragment or two, and producing the long-coveted reaction in the North, one half of the South-the very citadel and heart of Democracy-was blown away: and the other half prevented from following, only by that which was in effect a real reconsideration of the platform, the last thing which Stuart wanted.

After Stuart's speech, Mr. Walker of Alabama read the protest of that State against the proceedings of the Convention, and formally withdrew from it.

Mr. Mouton did the

Mr. Barry did the same thing for Mississippi. same for Louisiana; Gen. Simmons for South Carolina; Mr. Milton for Florida; Mr. Bryan of Texas, and Mr. Burrows of Arkansas. The speeches which give the spirit of this exciting period better than any others, were those of Mr. Mouton of Louisiana, and Mr. Glenn of Mississippi, the latter making decidedly the speech of the occasion.

SPEECH OF MR. MOUTON.

Mr. Mouton of Louisiana. I have but a short communication to make to this Convention. I do not do so in my individual name. I am instructed by the delegates of Louisiana, whom I represent, to say that they will not participate any more in the proceedings of this Convention. Heretofore we have been in the habit of saying, that the Democracy of the country were harmonious; but can we say so to-day with any truth? Are we not divided, and divided in such a manner that we can never be again united and reconciliated, because we are divided upon principle? Can we adopt this platform voted for by the majority of the Convention? Can we go home to our constituents, and put one construction upon it, and the Northern Democrats another? No. I think I speak the sentiment of my State when I say, she never will place a double construction upon a platform.

If we are to fight the Black Republicans, let us do it with a bold front, and together. Let us take the same arms-let us sustain the same regiment. We say that the Douglas principles, adopted to-day by the majority, can never be the principles of the South. And let me say, at the same time, that I should have suggested the propriety of dispensing with all these votes, and have come at once to the conclusion we have now reached.

Mr. M. then argued on the principles of the two platforms, and declared his conviction that the only way to meet and to check Black Republican aggression was to adopt the doctrine of protection by Congress to the property of Southern citizens in all the Territories of the Union.

SPEECH OF MR. GLENN.

Mr. Glenn of Mississippi arose. He said: For the first time, for the only time, for the last time, and in the name of the State he had the honor in part to represent, he desired to say a few words. He held in his hand the solemn act of the Mississippi delegation upon this floor. It was not a hasty act, not conceived in passion or carried out from mere

caprice or disappointment. It was the firm resolve of the great body they represented, which was expressed in the Convention who sent them. here, and that resolve that people, we, their representatives, will maintain at all times and at all costs. They came not to dictate, and since their arrival, the intercourse has been courteous with their brethren from other State Conventions, as far as personality was concerned. But that was not all. They claimed the exercise of the principles upou which the party must stand. He did not ask them to adopt a platform opposed to their conscientious principles. He claimed to come as an equal member of the common Confederacy, with the simple desire of an acknowledgment of their equal rights within that Confederacy. What was the construction of the platform of 1856? You of the North said it meant one thing; we of the South another. Either you were right or we wrong. They ask which was right and which wrong. The North had maintained their position, but, while doing so, they did not. acknowledge the rights of the South. Turn back to one of their leading men, once representing a sovereign State in the Union, who then voted that Congress had the constitutional power to pass the Wilmot proviso, or to exclude, and now, when the Supreme Court has said it is in that power, he comes forward and says that Congress is impotent to protect slave power.

The speaker then referred to the gentleman from Ohio, who, a few days since, said if a Territorial Legislature should misuse its powers or abuse them, Congress can wipe it out altogether. They would part with their lives before they would acknowledge the principles for which they contend. We say go your way, and we will go ours. The South leaves not like Hagar in the wilderness; but he would tell them that in less than sixty days they would find a united South, standing shoulder to shoulder.

Senator Bayard of Delaware now announced his withdrawal from the Convention, and Senator Saulsbury of the same State, stated that he did not know what to do.

Mr. Merrick of Illinois made a little speech. He said:

"A Southern man by birth—it is but three years since I parted from that Southern soil-and upon the tide of emigration sought my fortunes in the great North-west. Coming back here, and hoping to join in fraternal concord and mutual love with my Southern brethren of the Democratic party, I find, sir, star after star madly shooting from the great Democratic galaxy. Why is it, and what is to come of it? Does it presage that, hereafter, star after star will shoot from the galaxy of the Republic, and the American Union become a fragment, and a parcel of sectional republics?"

Points of order were raised.

Mr. Russell of Virginia made a speech for that State. He said: "Hitherto the career of Virginia has been side by side with all her sister States, North, South, East and West, and beneath a banner on which every State has its star, as members of one common and united constellation; but it must be known to this assembly that if indeed the hour shall ever come when the North and South must separate, the destiny of Virginia is with the South. [Loud cheers.] She will then have to

say to the South, where thou goest I will go; thy people shall be my people, and thy God shall be my God.' [Great cheering ]

But, sir, she will pause before she determines that that event is inevitable. Virginia stands in the midst of her sister States, in garments red with the blood of her children slain in the first outbreak of the 'irrepressible conflict.' But, sir, not when her children fell at midnight beneath the weapon of the assassin, was her heart penetrated with so profound a grief as that which will wring it when she is obliged to choose between a separate destiny with the South and her common des tiny with the entire Republic."

In conclusion, he stated Virginia wanted an opportunity for consultation, and the Convention adjourned.

[So great is the interest felt in this day's proceedings, that I recapitulate to some extent, by inserting the descriptive letter below:]

SCENES OF THE DAY DESCRIBED-HOW THE DISRUPTION HAPPENED.

CHARLESTON, S. C., Monday night, April 30.

It was asserted, early in the sitting of the Convention, that it would be impossible for the South to submit to Mr. Douglas as the nominee upon a platform on which it would be possible for him to stand. The Douglas men at first laughed this to scorn. Presently they saw such indications of earnestness, that they paused and considered the matter, and became much more tolerant, and seemed willing to acquiesce in any sort of a platform, provided the South would allow the nomination of Douglas. The determination of the New York contest, and the adoption of a rule allowing individual delegates from uninstructed States to vote as they pleased, gave the friends of Mr. Douglas a majority in the Convention. They proceeded to use that majority, for the purpose of making sure of their game. They joined the ultra-Southern States in demanding the test fight upon the platform. It became apparent the moment the platform was taken into consideration that there were differences it would be impossible for honest men to accommodate. The Douglas men begged for a chance for ambiguity. They craved and clamored for a false pretense. They begged to be allowed to cheat, and for the privilege of being cheated. They were particularly anxious for success. They were not so particular about principle. The South would stand fast for the great principle of constitutional rights as she understood it; and by her more ultra-representatives declared, that if by the bare numerical majority of votes, the Southern Platform was rejected, and the Squatter Sovereignty Platform, or some dishonorable equivocation protruded, she would withdraw from the Convention. By this time the Douglas men had discovered, that whereas they had just about a majority, it would be impossible for them to obtain a two-thirds. vote in a fall Convention. They were willing, therefore, that a few ultra-Southern States might go out, and allow them to nominate their man. All at once they became very cheerful on the subject of a disruption of the Convention. They could go North and get two votes (electoral) for their nominee, for every Southern vote that would leave the Convention. Their game then was, to have three or four States, at

most, go out. They wanted a little eruption, but not a great one. On Friday last it appeared that if the majority insisted upon its ambiguous platform, there would be a tremendous explosion. Even the Kentucky delegation had informally determined, only two of the delegates dissenting, that if the exigency arose, that Alabama & Co. must go out, Kentucky must go along. Douglas men were alarmed at the prospect, and Bigler's resolution to recommit the platform to the committee, was carried against the Douglas forces, by a vote of 151 to 152. So the fight went over until Saturday.

The committee succeeded in modifying the reports, but not in changing their essential character. Saturday was spent in the most tedious and tasteless, flat, stale, and unprofitable debate that it has ever been my misfortune to listen to. It was worse than when the House of Representatives resolves itself into a debating society, and fifth-rate members draw on each other and the people to the dismay of the galleries, reams of foolscap filled with essays on the slavery question. After the flood of twaddle was stopped by the call for the previous question, the parlimentary fight was interesting, and made amends for the painful hours spent in listening to the drivel of inconsequential debate. The South filibustered to prevent a vote on the platform that night. The North was resolved to have a vote. After some hours spent in skirmishing, as I have elsewhere described, the matter was compromised by disposing of the preliminary points, and agreeing to come to a fair vote this morning. Yesterday there was a report current that the South, discovering the total impossibility of the nomination of Douglas while the Convention remained consolidated, his full strength having been shown, and amounting to a bare majority, would find some excuse for staying in the Convention even after the adoption of the minority report, and would slaughter Douglas under the two-thirds rule. The most talkative and rabid of the Douglas men swore that if this was done, they would repeal the two-thirds rule, and let the Convention explode if it wanted so to do. Last night it was reported, and I was told by Southern men it was so, that the only State that would go out was Alabama. There was no possibility of preventing Yancey & Co. from going out, but the rest of them would stay in and slaughter Douglas. The partisans of the Little Giant looked blue at this. There were other reports afloat that were somewhat exciting. The rabid Douglasites were alarmed at signs of discontent and shakiness in several of the Northwestern delegations. They said it had been discovered there was a parcel of delegates to whom it would not do to trust the secrets of the Douglas party. Those fellows were leaky, and whenever the Convention adjourned they were found together buzzing and busy as green flies. It was known that Slidell & Co. were willing to buy all such fellows, and there was alarm in the camp of Douglas on the platform question. They were afraid the majority report would be adopted at last. There were threats that if this was the case some of the North-western States would bolt. These threats were seriously made, too. And the Northwestern men had no hesitation in saying that they could not and would not fight upon such a platform. They would go home and fold their hands, and let those who believed in using all the powers of the Fed