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The problem of a protective policy, therefore, it will be seen, resolves itself into a very different question from this: Shall a country, prematurely and without occasion, quicken into life manufactures by a protective tariff? The true question is more generally a double one, namely: First, shall a country, by its variety of interests, be ready for a healthful self-dependence? Secondly, when by unavoidable contingencies a new and important interest is created, shall it be crushed out of existence the moment that it ceases to be profitable, when by a little encouragement, it might, at no remote period, instead of needing assistance, become a right arm of strength?

In our own country, the manufacturing interest received a powerful impulse by the war of 1812. Shortly after the close of hostilities, John C. Calhoun advocated a tariff designed to confer protection upon it. We must consider it an act of liberal and enlightened statesmanship in him, for to his own state the benefit was not so much to accrue, as to a distant section, characterized by different institutions. The tariff law of 1816 extended encouragement to manufactures, without elevating them into a monopoly, or stimulating them unduly by excessive protection. The tariff of 1824 can not, we fear, plead entire innocence of such an imputation.

National pride is easily provoked to go too far. It was a fond ambition of Mr. CLAY to render his country independently great. Seeing the immense resources of every kind, of which it could boast, he believed that it might reach its full measure of prosperity by inward development. He, therefore, advocated a system of protection which should result in the exclusion of foreign competition. But this was to exalt the means above the end; it was to stimulate, which is injurious, rather than to protect; it was to push manufactures beyond their proper limits; to create a monopoly; to subordinate the interests of trade to the interests of the workshop; to aim, in a prejudicial way, at independence, which is unattainable, rather than at self-dependence, which is both attainable and desirable.

The consequence was, that while one section of the country and one powerful monied interest were loud in their praises of

the protective system, and eager to retain it, another section and another interest murmured against it as unjust and oppressive, and threatened, unless it were repealed, to employ the most extreme measures of redress.

South-Carolina especially denounced the law as unconstitutional and odious; threatened to disregard it, and entered upon a course which bore the appearance of open rebellion.

General Jackson was at the head of Government. He detested the law almost as much as South-Carolina, but since it was a law, he determined that, at all hazards, it should be obeyed. Inflammatory meetings were held at Charleston. Open resistance to the officers of Government was recommended. Materials for war were collected. Meanwhile United States troops were sent to the disaffected State. Jackson, it was believed, would bombard, at the least provocation, the city of Charleston, and hang as traitors Hayne, Calhoun, and others of the leaders. Intense excitement pervaded the country.

Randolph, broken down with age and yet more by disease, was roused by the sounds of coming strife. "Lifted into his carriage like an infant," says his biographer, "he went from county to county, and spoke with a power that effectually aroused the slumbering multitudes." "In the course of his speech at Buckingham, he is reported to have said, Gentlemen, I am filled with the most gloomy apprehensions for the fate of the Union. I can not express to you how deeply I am penetrated with a sense of the danger, which, at this moment, threatens its existence. If Madison filled the Executive chair, he might be bullied into some compromise. If Monroe was in power, he might be coaxed into some adjustment of this difficulty. But Jackson is obstinate, headstrong, and fond of fight. I fear matters must come to an open rupture. If so, this Union is gone!' Then pausing for near a minute, raising his finger in that emphatic manner, so peculiar to his action as a speaker, and seeming, as it were, to breathe more freely, he continued,- There is one man, and one man only, who can save this Union,-that man is HENRY CLAY. I know he has the power. I believe

he will be found to have the patriotism and firmness equal to the occasion.""

Mr. Randolph was not mistaken. Mr. CLAY proved himself to have alike "the power," "the patriotism," and the "firmness." Several years had elapsed between the passage of the tariff bill of 1824, and the events which we are describing. Various modifications had been introduced. Meanwhile Mr. CLAY had retired from his seat in the cabinet, had returned to his home, and by his grateful State had been again sent to the national councils. He was now in the Senate. Advocating still his favorite policy, he came forward in January, 1832, with the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties upon wines and silks, and that those ought to be reduced; and that the committee on finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly."

A bill, framed according to this resolution, was adopted in July, 1832. But every measure which avowed protection as its object, was regarded by the opponents of the system unconstitutional. The opposition increased, especially throughout the Southern States. At least South-Carolina assumed the attitude which we have described.

At this juncture, Mr. CLAY evinced how great and unselfish was his patriotism. In the language of one, who was not a political friend, "with parental fondness, he cherished his American System, with unyielding pertinacity, contended for it to the last extremity;-but, when it became a question between that and the integrity of the Union, he did not hesitate; like Abraham, he was ready to sacrifice his own offspring on the altar of his country, and to see the fond idols he had cherished perish one by one before his lingering eyes."

He introduced a bill which received the name of the Compromise Tariff Bill. From it, for the sake of his country's peace, he excluded most of those features which were odious to the South, however fondly they had been cherished by himself. Yet it was

truly a compromise, for the enemies of his system had also introduced a bill designed to be destructive of protection. The new tariff bill of Mr. CLAY provided for a gradual reduction of duties, until 1842, at which time the rate was to continue at twenty per centum until further legislation. His sacrifice was not unavailing. The bill received the approval of both Houses of Congress, was signed by the President, and became a law, March, 1833. Thus the country, which to all human appearances had been upon the verge of civil war, was again rescued from its danger by the firmness and the patriotism of HENRY CLAY.

CHAPTER X.

Mr. CLAY is again defeated as a candidate for the Presidency-CLAY and Jackson as rival leaders-Removal of the Deposits by the PresidentMr. CLAY's indignant opposition-Resolutions of censure The Cherokees-Lavish expenditure-The expunging resolution-The sub-treasury bill-Dawning of better times.

IN 1831, Mr. CLAY was nominated by his friends for the Presidency, but slander had accomplished its intended work. Jackson, his opponent, was borne into office by an immense majority.

But this was not the whole of his defeat. It was the special labor of the Executive to undo all the long-cherished, long-struggled-for measures of Mr. CLAY. The veto power was used with unprecedented frequency. First, a bill which had been passed to renew the Charter of the United States Bank, returned with the President's negative. This was followed by the rejection of a bill, adopted by large majorities, for the distribution of the Public Lands among the several States. The system, in short, which with infinite pains and with a lifetime of labor, Mr. CLAY had succeeded in building up, he now saw remorselessly overthrown. His iron-willed opponent had seized him at an advantage, and seemed determined to make the most of his triumph. Mr. CLAY ruled still with almost resistless sway in Congress, but what availed it, when, a short mile from the Capitol, sat one who, with a dash of his pen, could undo the result of weeks of legislation. Mr. CLAY in the Senate murmured against the veto power, but the Constitution conferred it, and what could be done but to submit.

But not even here did the President stop. Not content with the unlimited use of constitutional privileges, he overstepped the

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