referred to a committee, of which Peter B. Porter of New York, was chairman. The resolutions which they reported were unmistakably warlike. Still, as the formation of committees was under the control of the Speaker, those resolutions could be regarded as expressing the sentiments of only a party.

The Senate transmitted to the House, on the thirty-first of December, a bill providing for the raising of twenty-five thousand troops. CLAY, leaving the chair, made it the occasion for a most enthusiastic speech in favor of war. He had committed himself to that policy, and it was never his characteristic to do things by halves. High spirited and impetuous, he could no more brook an insult to his country than to himself. He viewed the aspect of affairs with the partiality of the advocate, rather than with the wily coolness of the diplomatist. He was desirous to precipitate matters. What he did, he would do boldly. Since he had given his voice for war, he would have every preparation made to constitute it a successful war. In this he proved himself worthy to be a leader. A large class of men, after deciding upon a course of conduct,—such a course, even, as from its very nature demands promptness and intrepidity,—display a miserable infirmity of will, and signally fail, because what they desire they have not the courage to perform.

It was not so with CLAY. Whatever his judgment or his feelings dictated, his will shrank not from executing. A part of those who were committed in favor of war, trembled at the prospect of so large a standing army as twenty-five thousand men. To order such a levy, they seemed to feel, was to pledge themselves to all the unknown horrors of war. That such was its bearing and intention, CLAY unhesitatingly avowed. He justly contended, that it was "too great for peace, but," as he feared, "too small for war." If his country was to engage with England, he would have it enter the contest equipped, not for defeat, but for victory.

On the twenty-second of January, a report was made, by a committee to whom the matter had been intrusted, in favor of increasing the navy. To this, also, CLAY gave his earnest support. His plan contemplated not what was extravagant and

impracticable. He deluded not himself nor the House with the idea that a naval force might be created, able to cope in numbers with the proud marine of England. But he demanded that such additions should be made as might effectually protect our coasting trade, and our many ports, from the insolence of every passing cruiser. The Navy bill, like that of the Army Appropriation, was adopted by a large majority. This was upon the twenty-ninth of January, 1812.

Upon the first day of April, the President sent a secret message to Congress, recommending an embargo for sixty days. This was acknowledged by the war party to be preparatory to an appeal to arms.

Mr. Randolph rose, and, with much solemnity, exclaimed: "I am so impressed with the importance of the subject, and the solemnity of the occasion, that I can not be silent. Sir, we are now in conclave; the eyes of the surrounding world are not upon us; we are shut up here from the light of heaven, but the eyes of God are upon us. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we deliberate upon this subject with the spirit of sobriety and candor, or with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions upon occasions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must hereafter render an account for the deeds done in the body. I hope, sir, the spirit of party, and every improper passion, will be exorcised; that our hearts may be as pure and clean as falls to the lot of human nature.

"I will appeal to the sobriety and reflection of the House, and ask what new cause of war for the last twelve months? What new cause of embargo within that period? The affair of Chesapeake is settled, no new principle interpolated into the laws of nations. I suppose every man of candor and sober reflection will ask, why we did not go to war twelve months ago? Or, will it be said we ought to make up by our promptness now, for our slowness then? It is not generally wise to dive into futurity, but it is wise to profit by experience, although it may be unpleasant. I feel much concerned to have the bill on the table for one hour."

The Federal party, through some of their representatives, assumed a tone still more deprecatory. Josiah Quincey of Massachusetts, openly avowed that he had sent dispatches to eastern merchants, that their vessels might leave port before the embargo should take effect. "We did it," he said, "to escape into the jaws of the British Lion and of the French Tiger, which are places of repose, of joy, and delight, when compared with the grasp and fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon the river below Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down their vessels, as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a country which would destroy instead of preserving them. I object to it, because it is no efficient preparation; because it is not a progress toward honorable war, but a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by any hand except our own."

From these extracts it can be seen that the opposition was wanting neither in strength nor clamor. CLAY rested uneasily in his seat as Speaker, under such arguments and appeals. His spirit longed to be in the thickest of the fight. Yielding the chair to others, he often descended to the floor of the House to confront audacity with equal boldness-and to answer the question, "What cause is there for war?" by depicting the commerce of his country ruined, her honor insulted, her name a byword and term of derision abroad.

Randolph had said, in the course of the speech from which we have quoted, "I am confident in the declaration, Mr. Chairman, that this (the embargo) is not a measure of the Executive; but that it is engendered by an extensive excitement upon the Executive."

Madison, indeed, seems to have labored under an infirmity of purpose. Although he had committed himself so far as to lay the embargo, it was not until he had been waited upon by CLAY in an informal deputation, and had caught the contagion of his enthusiasm, that he submitted the message to Congress which was to result in an appeal to arms. Both Houses of Congress took decisive action upon the subject on the eighteenth of June, and on the nineteenth, by proclamation of the President, war existed between the United States and England.

CHAPTER V.

Early disasters of the war-Subsequent successes-Negotiations for peace-Ghent-Mr. CLAY a Commissioner-Terms of the treaty-Mr. CLAY Visits England-United States Bank-Mr. CLAY's change of viewsWhat constitutes true Political Economy-Compensation bill-CLAY is obliged to canvass his State-South American independence.

THE credit or the blame of the second war with England, whichever it be, must unquestionably fall mainly to the share of CLAY. For an appeal to arms he had battled with the ardor of a patriot, and with a vehemence inspired by opposition.

The war opened disastrously. General Hull surrendered his army at Detroit. A series of similar reverses followed in its train. The depression occasioned by such calamities is vividly conveyed in the following letter from General Harrison to Mr. CLAY:

"I write to you, my dear sir, amid a thousand interruptions; and I do it solely for the purpose of showing you, that you are present to my recollection, under circumstances that would almost justify a suspension of every private feeling. The rumored disasters upon our northwestern frontier, are now ascertained to be correct. The important point of Mackinac was surrendered without an effort; an army captured at Detroit, after receiving three shots from a distant battery of the enemy (and from the range of which it was easy to retire), a fort [Chicago], in the midst of hostile tribes of Indians, ordered to be evacuated, and the garrison slaughtered; the numerous northwestern tribes of Indians (with the exception of two feeble ones), in arms against us, is the distressing picture which presents itself to view in this part of the country.

"To remedy all these misfortunes, I have an army competent in numbers, and in spirit equal to any that Greece or Rome ever boasted of, but destitute of artillery, of many necessary equipments, and absolutely ignorant of every military evolution; nor have I but a single individual capable of assisting me in training them."

This gloomy state of affairs, however, soon passed away. England, exultant, especially upon her own chosen element, the sea, was made to lower her tone of insolent superiority. The Constitution encountered the Guerriere, and captured it, after a short, most decisive and brilliant engagement. An English statesman was constrained to declare upon the floor of Parliament, that the spell of invincibility, in which their marine had gloried, was effectually broken.

Upon the lakes, America gained renewed laurels. The spirit of the people rose with the return of the tide of success. Washington, to the mortification of the country, was taken and sacked, but upon the north-western frontier, Scott was retrieving the fortunes of his Government, and vindicating the bravery of its people.

Meanwhile, Russia offered her interposition to bring about peace. The United States accepted her offer, but England expressed a preference for a negotiation between commissioners, appointed severally by the belligerent parties.

AS CLAY had been the principal instigator of war, so he was selected as one of the negotiators of peace. It was proposed at first to meet at Gottingen, but, by agreement of the commissioners, Ghent was afterward selected. Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, John Q. Adams and Jonathan Russel acted, with Mr. CLAY, for the American Government; Lord Gambier, Henry Goulborne and William Adamos, for the British.

The English commissioners were able, from their nearness to home, to refer every important matter to the consideration of the power which had appointed them. The dispatches of the American commissioners to their Government were, unexpectedly to themselves, spread before the people. It was feared