MEMOIR. MR. SEWARD entered upon his duties as Secretary of State on the 5th of March, 1861. His son, Frederick W. Seward, was appointed Assistant Secretary on the 6th. William Hunter, who had been in the Department of State since May, 1829, was retained as chief clerk, and subsequently made second Assistant Secretary, which office he still holds. At different times during his life he was the acting Secretary of State. Of the subordinates in the department who began with Mr. Seward, nearly all continued to the close of his second term, eight years. The correspondence occurring at the termination of their official relations with Mr. Seward discloses something of the spirit in which the duties of the department were discharged by all, even the humblest, of its officers during those eventful years, as well as the appreciation they received from their venerated and distinguished chief. While despising political cant about "economy," Mr. Seward conducted the affairs of the department with an inexpensiveness that attracted the notice of Congress. Its sphere of duties was at the same time greatly enlarged. Mr. Seward's coadjutors abroad were well chosen for their ability and patriotism, - such men as Charles Francis Adams, Henry S. Sanford, William L. Dayton, Anson Burlingame, George P. Marsh, J. Lothrop Motley, Thomas Corwin, Carl Schurz, and John Bigelow. Their despatches to the Secretary of State, as published by Congress, bear ample proof of the fidelity and industry which characterized this important branch of the public service during the war. Mr. Seward never failed to acknowledge and commend the 1 1883. See post, page 614. • See Diplomatic Correspondence, as published by Congress, 1861-1869, 21 vols. pealous and faithful manner in wilth they seeroded his efforts to maintain just and peaceful relations between the United States and all the nations of the world. His expsular system, which at an early period became self-sustaining, was perfected and made an important branch of foreign intercourse. With notable exceptions, the ministers abroad were inclined to regard the success of their government despairingly. Their despatches to Mr. Seward, reflecting the general sentiment at foreign courts, were full of criticisms on the conduct of the war, and weighed down with gloomy forebodings of its final result. Mr. Seward, on the other hand, never despaired. Patiently, and with great ability, he answered the doubting epistles of his correspondents, explaining what to them was dark or seemingly unwise, and re inspiring them with hope of the salvation of the Union; at the same time furnishing them with facts and arguments to counteract the plots and misrepresentations of its enemies. Never for a moment himself doubting the triumph of the Republic, it was with deep regret that he saw any indulgence of despondency among those who represented it in foreign lands. Grave apprehens ons of foreign interference were more rife abroad than at home, These Mr. Soward labored constantly to allay, while with no loss assiduity he sought to remove all grounds for such disheartening fours! John Adams, during the Revolutionary War, encountered among his foreign correspondents doubts of the success of the cause of independence not unlike those Mr. Seward so often had occasion to romote or allay. In a letter to the Count de Vergennes, dated July, 1.SQ M. Adams says: "Most people in Europe have wondered at the inge, v ty of the American army for these two years past; but it is movy foom want of knowledge or attention." After our defost or Long Ward, in 1776, Mr. Adams rebuked the despondency hand in very similar language to that used by Mr. Seward. 1. Ademx sque: • The panic which is spread on this ocesion is work and pemory; it exertow my shame and indignation. But If our whole army had been cut to pieces, it mak hos Aon shemocùl to have been so intimidated as some are Canepe I hope will stand firm “ 1 The Why of the Daeng set of State, as we have intimated, were very arduous during the war. Mr. Seward alludes to this in one of his despatches, when he says: “You can rea-lily imagine how vast a machinery has been created in the War Department, in the Navy Department, and in the Treasury Department respectively. The head of each is a man of busy occupations, high responsibilities, and perplexing cares. You would hardly suppose that a similar change has come over the molest little State Department of other and peaceful days; but the exactions upon it are infinite, and out of all that offers itself to be done, I can only select and do that which cannot be wisely or safely left undone.” Mr. Seward, during his administration, negotiated forty-four treaties; among which were those for the suppression of the slave trade, with Great Britain in 1862; for the acquisition of Alaska, with Russia, in 1867; extending our relations with China, in 1868; to facilitate the construction of a canal across the Isthmus, and to secure the interests of the United States therein, with Nicaragua, in 1867; to secure the rights of naturalized citizens in various countries, in 1858. Three important treaties failed to receive the approval of the Senate: one for the annexation of the Danish islands, one for the cession of the Bay of Samana in San Domingo, and the other for the construction of a canal across the Isthmus of Darien. Believing with Lord Bacon that only nations that are liberal of naturalization are fit for empire, Mr. Seward claimed before the governments of Europe, for all persons not convicted or accused of crime, an absolute political right of self-expatriation and a choice of new national allegiance, with all its exemptions and privileges. On these principles he negotiated a number of treaties regulating naturalization. After an experience of nearly ten years, the following tribute to the wisdom and sagacity which negotiated the treaty with Germany in 1568, among others, is found in the annual message of President Hayes of December 3, 1877. “Numerous questions in regard to passports, naturalization and exemption from military service have continued to arise in cases of emigrants from Germany who have returned to their native country. The provisions of the treaty of February 22, 1×68, however, have proved to be so ample and so judicious that the legation of the United States at Berlin has been able to adjust all claims arising under it, not only without detriment to the amicable relations existing between the two governments, but it is believed without injury or injustice to any duly naturalized American citizen. It is desirable that the treaty originally made with the North-German Union in 1868, should now be extended, so as to apply equally to all the states of the Empire of Germany." |