"My tour extended through Northern Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, and across in a straight line to the Pacific, down through Washington, Oregon, and California, and back again over Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, Kansas, Missouri, Southern Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, including the coke regions, and northward through Maryland, Delaware and New Jersey.

"As to the Single Tax, there is none of it. There are some Capitalists' Free Trade Clubs, who talk a sort of Single Tax, but don't amount to anything quâ Single Taxers. The only Workingmen's Single Tax Club I came across was at Evansville, Ind. They are K. of L., and Socialists to a man. Since I was there they dropped the silly misnomer, have re-organized as a Socialist Section and joined the Party.

"As to the Farmers' Alliance, to use the expression of one of its members, all that the Socialists have to do is to push their wagon up into the Alliance districts and they will capture the whole movement. The leaders in the Alliance seem to be afraid, as yet, to speak boldly. The Cincinnati Platform does not express the opinion of the rank and file; and in so far as it does express it, it only indicates some of the floating notions among them. To predict the exact outcome of the movement would be risky. On the whole, I hail the movement. To say the least, it will remove political apathy-the greatest difficulty we have had to contend against.

"As to the prospects of Socialism, my tour has satisfied me that it is coming with rapid strides. The rantings of 'plutogues' like Gen. Ordway can only do us good. Socialism can no longer be condemned by name in America. Some of my friends think the ball will be set

rolling in Europe first. I believe, on the contrary, that America will lead in the establishment of the Social Democracy, the same as she led in the establishment of the Political Republic."

But whatever the criticisms "doctrinaire" Socialists may make, the whole trend of the present movement is altogether Socialistic.

It is high time for the people of the United States of America, the Capitalist and Politician Classes especially, -to put on their thinking caps, when a large number of the representatives of Organized Labor of the cities meet in convention with the delegates of the Farmers' Alliances, Grangers, etc., and assert that:

"In view of the Great Social, Industrial, and Economical Revolution now dawning upon the civilized world, and the new and living issues confronting the American people, we believe that the time has arrived for a crystallization of the political reform forces of our country."

And more particularly when such men assert or demand the fulfillment of the doctrine of equal rights for all with privileges to none; the passage of laws prohibiting the alien ownership of land; a graduated income tax ; an eight hour legal day's work for all corporations; "the most rigid, honest, and just National control and supervision of the means of public communication and transportation, and if this control and supervision does not remove the abuses now existing, we demand the Government ownership of such means of communication and transportation;" and in addition thereto, sent for referendum vote to, and agitation among all Labor Organizations and Farmer Bodies represented, this resolution offered to the National Convention by a native American Nationalist, who represented the very acme of Native American Socialism:

"RESOLVED. That when in the course of business consolidations in the form of Trusts or private syndicates it becomes evident that any branch of commerce is used for the behoof and profit of a few men at the expense of the general public, we believe that the people should assume charge of such commerce, through their National, State, or Municipal Administration."

H

CHAPTER VIII.

GREELEY'S SOCIALISTIC ASSOCIATES.

ORACE GREELEY was not alone in his crusade against the Competitive System, and therefore did not have single handed, as he vowed in his early manhood, to wage—

"War on Fraud entrenched with Power,

On smooth Pretense and specious Wrong."

He was neither infallible, nor a genius, in the real meaning of the word, and it would be utterly un-Socialistic to transform a plain blunt man into a demi-god, in connection with an Altruistic Movement, the members of which have always repudiated leaders. Greeley lived mentally on the one hand, on the inspirations of the founders of the American Republic, and of the truly great men of history; and on the other, in association with many of rare intellectual gifts. Some of these have been already mentioned, such as Robert Owen, Albert Brisbane and Parke Godwin. There were others who developed out of the Brook Farm Socialists. Greeley hints at some of these in the extract quoted in the last chapter, but they and their confreres were something more than simply "cultivated, scholarly persons.'

Ralph Waldo Emerson was the spiritual father of this coterie, which developed out of the Boston Symposium or Transcendental Club. The Club came into existence in the home of George Ripley, the counselor, guide and friend of the Brook Farm Socialists.

The Concord Philosopher tells the story of how Dr. William Ellery Channing "opened his mind to Mr. and Mrs. Ripley, and with some care they invited a limited party of ladies and gentlemen. I had the honor to be present. Though I recall the fact, I do not retain any instant consequence of this attempt, or any connection between it and the new zeal of the friends who at that time began to be drawn together by sympathy of studies and of aspiration. Margaret Fuller, George Ripley, Dr. Convers Francis, Theodore Parker, Dr. Hedge, Mr. Brownson, James Freeman Clarke, William H. Channing, and many others gradually drew together, and from time to time spent an afternoon at each others' houses in a serious conversation. . . . These fine conversations, of course, were incomprehensible to some in the company, and they had their revenge in their little jokes. One declared that 'it seemed to him like going to Heaven in a swing;' another reported that, at a knotty point in the discourse, a sympathizing Englishman with a squeaking voice interrupted with the question, 'Mr. Alcott, a lady near me desires to inquire whether Omnipotence abnegates attribute?' . . . Nothing more serious came of it than the modest quarterly journal called The Dial, which, under the editorship of Margaret Fuller, and later of some other (Emerson), enjoyed its obscurity for four years. All its papers were unpaid contributions, and it was rather a work of friendship among the narrow circle of students, than the organ of any party. Perhaps its writers were its chief readers; yet it contained some noble papers by Margaret Fuller, and some numbers had an instant exhausting sale, because of papers by Theodore Parker."

The Brook Farm Socialistic Community evoluted, in the Spring of 1841, directly, as stated, from the Sympo