though some of its positions were differently interpreted by different parties.

It began by declaring that the election of a Republican President afforded no ground to the Southern States for apprehending any invasion of their rights. "I have," said he, "no purpose, directly, or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." He explicitly recognized the obligation of enforcing the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves. He then proceeded to argue against the right of secession under the Constitution, declaring that all resolves and ordinances to the effect of secession are null and void. He continued as follows:

"I shall take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. I shall perfectly perform it as far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary." "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and collect the duties and imposts, but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any where.

"Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.

"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.

"Suppose you go to war; you cannot fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to the terms of intercourse are again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I freely recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not specially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish themselves to accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution-which amendment, however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of most I have said, I depart from my purpose, not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable."

President Buchanan and Chief-Justice Taney listened with the ut most attention to every word of the address, and at its conclusion the latter administered the usual oath, in taking which, Mr. Lincoln was loudly cheered.

The inauguration was the ninth ceremony of the kind at which Chief-Justice Taney had officiated, he having administered the oath of office successively to Presidents Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, Polk,

Taylor, Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan, and Lincoln. The ceremony was exceedingly impressive.

The South at once received the message as a declaration of war, while at the North opinion was greatly divided. Senator Douglas, in his place in the Senate, hailed it as the harbinger of peace, and the same view was entertained by many influential men at the North, where the hope of ultimate peace was strengthened. In the seceded States, however, intense excitement followed the reception of the address, except among those few who hoped for a restoration of union and harmony; and these strove to consider the document as opposed to coercion.

The Senate remained in session until the 28th of March, mostly occupied with the confirmation of persons appointed to office by the President. The Administration, for the first month, gave no open demonstration of its future line of policy, but after making the neces sary changes in the subordinate officers of the different departments, and becoming familiar with the new and onerous duties it had undertaken, prepared itself, as well as its circumstances allowed, for the coming emergency, and awaited the development of events. The restless spirits in the Border States, who sympathized with secession, were not satisfied with this course, as it prevented them from hurrying forward their States into acts of treason; while some sympathizers with the South at the North advised the recognition of the Southern Confederacy as the only practicable and satisfactory settlement of the momentous question which agitated the country. "Erring sisters, go in peace," was the remark of a once popular New York politician, and the words found an echo in the hearts of many timid people, whom the threatened approach of civil war deprived of what little manhood or resolution they possessed. But the Government, though silent, was not idle, and evidences of its activity became apparent in the navyyards at the North. An expedition was fitted out at New York, having for its object to reinforce Fort Pickens, in Pensacola harbor, and to throw supplies into Fort Sumter, the position of which had not ceased to be a matter of the greatest public concern. The Southern Confederacy and State authorities were kept informed, through their agents in Washington, occupying official positions, of all the movements of the Government, and were continually on the alert to collect and transmit the earliest intelligence. John Forsyth and Martin J. Crawford, Southern commissioners, had, on the 13th of March, addressed the Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, on behalf of the seven States forming the Southern Confederacy, which now included Texas, and asked for an audience of the President, with a view of opening negotiations for a settlement of difficulties. Mr. Seward, in a paper dated March 15th, though, with the assent of the commissioners, not delivered till April 8th, declined the request. He said:

"The official duties of the Secretary of State are confined to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not embrace domestic questions, or questions arising between the several States, and the Federal Government is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to appoint a day on which they may present the evidences of their authority and the objects of their visit to the

President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them."

An attempt was subsequently made to convict the Secretary of State of duplicity in relation to the matter of the attempted reinforcement of Fort Sumter, and his reply to the commissioners of the Southern Confederacy. The charge was made on the authority of John A. Campbell, formerly one of the associate judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, who, by his own acknowledgment, was at that time in full sympathy with the leaders of the rebellion, and acting the part of a spy on the United States Government, by communicating all he could learn to the Confederate Government. Such a man's statements, if unsupported as these were, are not entitled to full credence, and the use of them made by Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederate States, showed a desire to make capital by a perversion of facts. Judge Campbell stated that Mr. Seward informed him that Fort Sumter would soon be evacuated. But that statement is unsupported by any corroborative evidence, and coming from a secret enemy of the Union, is justly open to suspicion. He also charged that Mr. Seward informed him that Fort Sumter would not be reinforced without notice being given to Governor Pickens. Such notice was given, as Governor Pickens himself informed the Confederate President. When Judge Campbell still reiterated his inquiries, Mr. Seward replied, "Faith as to Sumter fully kept-wait and see." Governor Pickens was notified of the intention of the Government to "reinforce Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force," on the 8th of April; the attempt to do so was not made till the night of the 12th of April.

Under these circumstances, the final letter of the commissioners of the Southern Confederacy to Mr. Seward can only be regarded as a piece of unnecessary impertinence. It was as follows:

"Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal notice to the commanding general of the Confederate forces in the harbor of Gharleston, that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood. The undersigned, in behalf of their government and people, accept the gage of battle thus thrown down to them; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power."

Mr. Seward made no reply beyond a simple acknowledgment. These commissioners then left Washington, and on April 13th, the commission appointed by the Virginia Convention to ascertain the policy which the Federal Executive intended to pursue towards the Confederate States, was received by the President. He replied:

"In answer I have to say, that having, at the beginning of my official term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen

occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said. I now repeat: The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any where.' By the words 'property and places belonging to the Government,' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in possession of the Government when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon me: and, in any event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies, and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification."

This reply was made on the 13th, the day after that on which the batteries at Charleston opened on Fort Sumter.

The military power of the United States had never been large in respect of men; more particularly, the National Capital had ever been free from soldiers; although, since the formation of the Government, large sums had been annually expended both for the navy and the army. By this means a considerable number of forts and coast defences had been built, and a large amount of munitions of war collected in the arsenals and dépôts of the several States. These were mostly precautions against enemies from without. The policy of the Government, harmonizing with the spirit of its institutions, had ever been averse to the keeping up of a standing army in time of peace; and, although the country was possessed of a great number of welleducated officers, graduated, annually, during the previous fifty years at West Point, few of these were in actual service, and a large number of them resigned for the Southern service. The whole authorized strength of the army was eighteen thousand one hundred and sixty-five men. Of these, the whole force available for active service in the field, was eleven thousand men. This little force was scattered over an area of three millions of square miles, occupying one hundred and thirty permanent garrisons, posts, and camps, many of which were so exposed to Indian hostilities, that not a man could be spared from any frontier. The Department of the East had a force of one thousand and twenty-seven, under General John E.Wool. Of this force, six companies

John E. Wool, captain in the Thirteenth Infantry. April, 1812, and on the 18th of October, 1812, distinguished at Queenstown Heights, when he was severely wounded. In April, 1813, major of

the Twenty-ninth Infantry, and in December, 1814, was brevetted lieutenant-colonel for gallant conduct at the battle of Plattsburg. In May, 1815, he was retained in the Sixth Infantry. In Sep

of artillery, under Colonel Brown, were at Fortress Monroe, constituting all the troops within reach of Washington.

Soon after the result of the election was known in December, rumors began to multiply of the organization and drilling of companies, in Maryland and Virginia, for an attack upon Washington. On the 2d of January General Scott, who was very active in the defence of the city, recommended Captain Charles Stone* to have charge of the organization of the district militia.

On the 8th of January a company of marines was sent to Fort Washington, on the Potomac, fourteen miles below Washington. The forts, arsenals and property of the General Government south of the Potomac, with the exception of Fortress Monroe, Fort Sumter, Fort Pickens and the Tortugas, were successively seized by the authorities of the States within which they were situated. The fort in Charleston Harbor, gallantly held, was destined to bring on the crisis of the war. The three forts that then defended Charleston Harbor were Fort Moultrie, of Revolutionary fame, on Sullivan's Island; Castle Pinckney, near the city; and Fort Sumter, a new structure on an island in the channel, commanding all the approaches to the city. It had been erected by the Federal Government, at considerable cost, and was not yet so far complete as to receive a garrison. The place was calculated for one hundred and forty-six guns, and a war garrison of six hundred and fifty The only force that the Federal Government had for these three forts was a single company of artillery in Fort Moultrie, under command of Major Robert Anderson.t

men.

Fort Moultrie, although formidable to an enemy entering the harbor, had never been designed to withstand an attack from the city of Charleston, the authorities of which now expressed a determination to possess it. Against such an attack Major Anderson could with difficulty maintain himself. He had, under date of 11th December, the day on which the

tember, 1816, inspector-general. with the rank of colonel. He was made lieutenant-colonel of infantry in February, 1818; brevet brigadier-general in April, 1826, for ten years' faithful service;" and full brigadier-general in June, 1841. He led

the central division of the army which united with that of General Taylor in February, 1847; May, 1948, brevet major-general, for gallant conduct at Buena Vista; 1861, appointed to command at Fortress Monroe; 1862, took Norfolk, and made full major-general; 1863, retired.

in Banks's Red River campaign, and in 1964 retired from the service.

+ Robert Anderson was born in Kentucky, in 1805, entered the West Point Academy in 1821, and, on graduating in 1825, was made brevet secondlieutentant in the Third Artillery. During the Black Hawk war he acted as inspector-general of the Illinois Volunteers. In June, 1833, he was promoted to a first-lieutenancy. From September to December, 1835, he was assistant instructor of artillery at the United States Military Academy; and from the last-mentioned date to November, 1837, instructor. He was appointed aide-decamp to Major-General Scott in 1988; was bre vetted captain for gallant conduct during the Florida war, in April, 1838; was made assistant ad

Charles P. Stone, a native of Massachusetts, entered West Point in 1841; second lieutenant of ordnance in 1845 From August, 1845, to January, 1846, he was assistant professor of ethics, &c., at the United States Military Academy. He was brevetted first lieutenant in September, 1847, for gal-jutant-general, with the rank of captain, the same lantry at Molino del Rey, and captain the same month for meretorious conduct at Chapultepec. la February, 1853, he became first-lieutenant, and resigned November, 1856. In May, 1861, he was cominissioned colonel of the Fourteenth United States Infantry, and in August brigadier-general, with command of a division under Major-General Banks. In consequence of the severe defeat of a portion of his troops at Ball's Bluff, he was arrested and confined for several months in Fort Lafayette, although no specific charges were ever made against him. He subsequently participated

year, and captain in 1841. In September, 1847, he was appointed brevet major and acting major of his battalion for gallantry at Molino del Rey, where he was severely wounded. At the commencement of the present war he was placed in command of the forts in Charleston Harbor, by General Scott, and there became famous as the defender of Sumter. He was made a brigadier-general in the regular army May 15th, 1861, but on account of feeble health has not been of late years in active service. As an author, General Anderson has published two manuals of artillery tactics.