no other place [except, of course, to another colony.]

QUESTIONS.

1. In what ships must all trade with England be carried on? 2. Where must all sugar, etc., be sent to be sold? 3. Why was the statute of 1763 passed? 4. If the colonies wished to buy any goods of Portugal, where must they first take them? 5. For what object did colonies exist? 6. What does 15 Car. II., c. 7 mean? 7. What effect did the law of 1672 have on colonial trade in sugars, etc.?

The town of Boston, as early as May 24, 1764, in instructions given to its delegates in the General Assembly of Massachusetts, gives us some indication of the spirit which was already abroad in regard to colonial rights. These instructions were drafted by Samuel Adams. The whole series may be found in "American Patriotism."

Our trade has for a long time labored under great discouragements, and it is with the deepest concern that we see such further difficulties coming upon us as will reduce it to the lowest ebb, if not totally obstruct and ruin it. . .

There is now no room for further delay; we therefore expect that you will use your earliest endeavors in the General Assembly that such methods may be taken as will effectually prevent these proceedings against

us.

[We fear] that these unexpected proceedings may be preparatory to new taxations upon us; for if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? . . This we apprehend annihilates our charter right to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges, which, as we have never forfeited them, we hold in common with our fellow subjects who are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid upon us in any shape without our having a legal representation where they are laid, are we not reduced from the character of free subjects to the miserable state of tributary slaves?-American Patriotism, p. 2 f.

October 19, 1765, the Convention of Delegates from nine of the colonies-the Stamp Act

Congress-formulates the principles of the American people in these words:

The members of this Congress, sincerely devoted, with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty, to his Majesty's person and government, inviolably attached to the present happy establishment of the Protestant succession; having considered as maturely as time will permit, the circumstances of the said colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations of our humble opinion respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists and of the grievances under which they labor by reason of the several late acts of Parliament:

1. That his Majesty's subjects, in these colonies, owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, that is owing from his subjects born within the realm; and all due subordination to that august body, the Parliament of Great Britain.

2. That his Majesty's liege subjects, in these colonies, are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural-born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain.

3. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives.

4. That the people of these colonies are not, and from their local circumstances cannot be, represented in the House of Commons in Great Britain.

5. That the only representatives of the people of these colonies, are persons chosen therein by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures.

6. That all supplies to the crown being the free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the British constitution, for the people of Great Britain to grant to his Majesty, the property of the colonists.

8. That the late act of Parliament entitled, "An act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties in the British colonies and plantations in America, etc.," by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these colonies, and the said act, and several other

acts, by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists. -Niles' "Principles and Acts of the

Revolution," under New York.

The Resolves of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, passed May 16, 1769, may also be cited. to show the constitutional doctrines set forth some four years afterwards by that colony, which later, when a state, became known as the Mother of Presidents.

Resolved, Nemine contradicente, That the sole right of imposing taxes on the inhabitants of this, his Majesty's colony and Dominion of Virginia, is now, and hath been, legally and constitutionally vested in the House of Burgesses, lawfully convened, according to the ancient and established practice, with the consent of the council, and of his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, or his Governor for the time being.

Resolved, Nemine contradicente. That it is the undoubted privilege of the inhabitants of this colony to pe.ition their Sovereign for redress of grievances; and that it is lawful . . . to procure the concurrence of His Majesty's other colonies, praying the royal interposition in favor of the violated rights of America.

Resolved, Nemine contradicente, That all trials for treason, or for any felony or crime whatsoought

ever, committed

in said colony

of right to be had, and conducted in and before His Majesty's courts, held within his said colony,

and that the seizing

and sending such person

beyond the sea to be tried, is highly derogatory
Cited in Chan-

of the rights of British subjects,
ning, The United States of Ameripa, p. 300.

Patrick Henry formulates their doctrines in these stirring sentences, May 29, 1765:

WHEREAS, The Honorable House of Commons, in England, have of late drawn into question how far the General Assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying of taxes . . ; for settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the House of

Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their posterity, . . all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Britain.

Resolved, That his Majesty's liege people of this his ancient colony have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own Assembly in the article of taxes and internal police; [the same never yielded up; also the same recognized by king and people of Great Britain.]

Resolved, Therefore, that the General Assembly of this colony, together with his Majesty or his substitutes, have in their representative capacity, the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and imposts upon the people of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such power in any other person or persons whatsoever than the General Assembly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American liberty.

Resolved, That the inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws

Assembly.

of the General

eral Assembly

have any right or power to lay any taxation on the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to his Majesty's colony.-Cited in Channing, pp. 51-52.

Examination of Dr. Franklin before the English House of Commons, in February, 1766, relative to the repeal of the American Stamp Act:

Q. What is your name, and place of abode?

A. Franklin, of Philadelphia.

Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes

among themselves?

A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.

Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, very able to pay the stamp duty?

A. In my opinion there is not gold or silver enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year.

Q. Do not you think the people of America would submit to pay the stamp duty, if it was moderated? A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms.

Q. What was the temper of America towards Great Britain before the year 1763?

A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts, obedience to acts of parliament. Natives of Britain were always treated with a particular regard; to be an Old England-man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us.

Q. And what is their temper now?
A. O, very much altered.

Q. Did you ever hear the authority of parliament to make laws for America questioned till lately?

A. The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce.

Q. And have they not still the same respect for pariament?

A. No, it is greatly lessened.

Q. To what cause is that owing?

A. To a concurrence of causes: the restraints lately laid on their trade, . the prohibition of their making paper-money among themselves, and then demanding a new and heavy tax by stamps, taking away, at the same time trials by juries, and refusing to receive and hear their humble petitions.

Q. Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that the parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there?

A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying duties to regulate commerce, but a right to lay internal taxes was never supposed to be in parliament, as we are not represented there.

Q. Suppose an act of internal regulations connected with a tax, how would they receive it?