nated for a third term in the presidency. Many of the people came to regard this combination as a most intolerable "machine," utterly unrepublican and hostile to pure government and the people's rule.

President Hayes sought to head off this growing state of things and keep his administration free from any complicity with it. So he issued an order against United States officers taking any leading part in political canvasses.

Mr. Arthur was at that time chairman of the republican state committee of New York. His natural talent for management and business made him an efficient man in that place, and much more the agent of the ring "bosses" probably than he realized. He resisted the order of the president, and was removed from the collectorship. He had given entire satisfaction. His accounts were correct. All was as it should be in his office. But he was in a "ring of politicians"; was a ringmaster himself, as many people thought; and this prevalent opinion, no doubt, was shared by President Hayes, and he sought to clear his administration from its evil influence.

Mr. Arthur went back to the practice of law, but not converted to "civil service reform" as practiced by President Hayes. He was still at the head of his ring, now wounded and resolved on maintaining its position. In due time the next presidential election came round, and with it the wandering exPresident Grant, according to the prediction of those who believed he was to be put forward for a third term. The nominating convention came, with the whole combination of "machine" men, resolved on the third term movement. The movement was led by Mr. Roscoe Conkling, of New York, a strong and determined man, and an intimate friend of Mr. Arthur. The third term movement, though urged with a solid combination and great persistency, failed, and Mr. Garfield was nominated. Then the winning party in the convention must be generous, and Mr. Conkling was given the naming of a man for vice-president. He named Chester A. Arthur.

VICE-PRESIDENT AND PRESIDENT.

Mr. Arthur took an active part in the canvass, especially in his own state, and added much to the well-managed campaign which elected Mr. Garfield and himself.

Mr. Arthur presided with acceptance in the special session of the senate which followed. But the election was accomplished by a divided party. The "civil service reform" part had secured its man for president, who was amiable and conciliatory toward the "machine" part of the party, but Mr. Conkling was imperious and unwilling to accept any lessons in civil service reform, or yield any of his prerogatives as party chief in New York. President Garfield, in spite of himself, was soon in conflict with the imperious New York senator, who, because he could not resist the senate's approval of the president's New York appointments, resigned and went home to engineer his own re-election. Mr. Arthur also went to Albany to secure, if possible, his chief's re-election, who thus put himself in antago nism with the president. The contest at Albany was a very warm one, but the civil service reform sentiment had become too strong to be overcome, and Mr. Conkling was permitted to remain in private life, to which he had voluntarily betaken himself. He had been a sort of idol of his party, many of whom sorrowed over his wrong-headedness, as they called it. It was a needless and willful self-sacrifice, many of his friends thought, and made him exceedingly unpopular. He resisted the popular will to his own political ruin.

This threw Mr. Arthur into the shadow of popular disapprobation. He had been no more willing to learn wisdom from the people than his chief had been. The heat of this conflict was not over when a cracked-brained and conceited would-be politician assassinated President Garfield, and forced by pistol shot the presidency upon Mr. Arthur. A more unfortunate way of coming to a high office never before occurred to its recipient. Many felt that he was unintentionally a participator in the crime in his persistent devotion to Mr. Conkling against the president. Many more lost confidence in him for his oppo

sition to civil service reform, and his devotion to the hitherto prevailing system of ring politics. Many more lost confidence in him on account of his practical rejection of temperance and teetotal principles, and allying himself on the side of the great and destructive liquor selling and drinking system. All these things combined produced a tide of public sentiment against him, greater, perhaps, than any president, except Andrew Johnson, had had to resist. But his humiliation and grief, and every way considerate conduct after the assassination and during the long weeks of watching over the wounded president, won upon the whole people, and made it possible for him to give the country an acceptable presidential service. Yet his service gave evidence that he had not received the lesson which the events plainly taught till the next election gave his state to the opposite party by some two hundred thousand majority. It seemed to many that he threw away a splendid opportunity to crown his life with honor, by his over-devotion to a system of political management and personal self-indulgence almost necessarily corrupt and corrupting. After that election, his course up to the present time (December, 1883), has been far more satisfactory, and it gives evidence of going on peacefully to its close, March 4, 1885.

HE original American colonies were separate communities, living on lands which they held by charter from the British Crown, and under governments of their own, sanctioned by the Crown. They had no legal relations with each other.

September 4, 1774, the First Continental Congress met and agreed upon a Bill of Rights, and united action to secure their rights under their king. That Congress was re-appointed from year to year, and constituted the government under which the revolution was carried on and independence secured. Under that Congress the colonies were erected into states.

This Continental Congress, as early as 1777, began to provide for a general government of the United States; but it was not effected until 1781, when the Articles of Confederation were adopted. But these were found so inefficient-were so without power of enforcement, so subject to the will, or want of will of each state, that they proved a rope of sand, and the fruits of the revolution would have been lost, had not the people unitedly, through their representatives, formed a Constitution

with wisdom and power to guide them in "the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

That constitution may well be the perpetual study of the American people who, under its protecting and fostering provisions, have now increased to over fifty millions, and grown to great influence and power.

A brief analysis of these provisions will help to an appreciative understanding of their great value.

THE PREAMBLE.

"WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America."

How definite, and yet how Comprehensive! Who ordained and established this constitution? "We, the people." It was not ordained and established by the states. That was the way the "Articles of Confederation" were adopted. The states adopted them one by one. The states elected the Congress that made them. They were understood to be a confederation of states, and in that was their weakness. Now, the people took the matter into their hands, held conventions, and appointed delegates to a representative convention of the people of the United States to form a constitution "for the United States of America." In this preamble, the people gave a name to their government, stated its objects, and ordained and established it. The people are back of the states and control them and hold them to this compact. The states are estopped by "the people of the United States" from having anything to say about changing, abrogating or seceding from the constitution.

The first object named was to "form a more perfect union.” The confederation had made a very imperfect union, and it was on the point of falling utterly to pieces. It had no authority, could enforce no law, collect no taxes, coin no money, punish no crimes. These things were all for the states to enforce, and