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measure, as upon that simple, truthful, noble soul, our faithful and sainted Lincoln.

[From the Dictionary of Congress.]

Born-February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Ken



Have been a captain of volunteers in Blackhawk war, postmaster at a very small office.

Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature, and was a member of the Lower House of Congress. Yours, etc., A. LINCOLN.

And we add-Died April 15, 1865.

[From General Grant's Address. at the Dedication of the Lincoln Monument at Springfield, Ill., October 15, 1874.

From March, 1864, to the day when the hand of the assassin opened a grave for Mr. Lincoln, then president of the United States, my personal relations with him were as close and intimate as the nature of our respective duties would permit. To know him personally was to love and respect him for his great qualities of heart and head, and for his patience and patriotism.

With all his disappointments from failures on the part of those to whom he had intrusted command, and treachery on the part of those who had gained his confidence but to betray it, I never heard him utter a complaint, nor cast a censure for bad conduct or bad faith.

It was his nature to find excuses for his adversaries.

In his death the nation lost its greatest hero. In his death the south lost its most just friend.

[From Hon. S. S. Cox.]

President Lincoln was not without faults, but his goodness and virtues far overshadowed them. None more than he ever better illustrated the maxim that the good alone are great.

It was almost a peculiarity of Mr. Lincoln's, among the great men of history, that all his public and private utterances bear the impress of an honest, conscientious regard for whatever he believed to be right and wise.

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Though "popular beyond all others of his time, he never sought station or advancement by the sacrifice of the public welfare on the shrine of party or personal ambition.

He was singularly free from sectional and partisan passion and animosity.

It was a privilege of the writer to see him often while he was in the possession of his great office, and to hear him converse upon public affairs. At no time did Mr. Lincoln utter a harsh or unkind word in regard to political opponents or toward the insurgent south. When no great public concern engaged his attention, and perhaps as a temporary relief from the cares of state, his conversation was often light and humorous; but Mr. Lincoln could discard frivolity when confronted by a serious demand on his powers. He could always rise up to the occasion. He possessed a clear and vigorous understanding, and a sincere love of truth. His reasoning powers

were remarkable. He could, upon occasion, rise to the most sublime flight of eloquence.

His little introductory speech at the Gettysburg Cemetery dedication will outlive the elaborate and eloquent oration delivered by Mr. Everett on the same day.

I am indebted to J. C. Power, of Springfield, Ill., author of the "History of the Attempt to Steal the Body of Lincoln," for the use of the plates of the two views of the "Lincoln Monument."

Excavation for the monument commenced September 9, 1869. It is built of granite from quarries at Biddeford, Maine. The rough ashlars were shipped to Quincy, Mass., where they were dressed to perfect ashlars and numbered, thence shipped by railroad to Springfield. It is 72 feet from east to west, 119 feet from north to south, and 100 feet high. The total cost is about $230,000, to May 1, 1888. All the statuary is orange-colored bronze. The whole monument was designed by Larkin G. Mead, the statuary was modeled in plaster by him in Florence, Italy, and cast by the Ames Manufacturing Co., of Chicopee, Mass. The statue of Lincoln and coat of arms were first placed on the monument; the statue was unveiled and the monument dedicated October 15, 1874. The infantry and naval groups were put on in September, 1877, the artillery group, April 13, 1882, and the cavalry group, March 13, 1883.




At Springfield, Ill., May 18, 1860.

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:I tender to you, and through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you now formally announce.

Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great responsibility which is inseparable from the high honor, a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the convention, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, denominated the platform, and without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay, report to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will no longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand.

Springfield, Ill., May 23, 1860.

Sir-I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you presided, of which I am formally apprised in a letter of yourself and others acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose.

The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard it in any part. Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the rights of all the states and territories and people of the nation, to the inviolability of the constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of all; I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the convention. Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. HON. GEORGE ASHмUN, Prest. Republican Convention.

Springfield, Ill., August 15, 1860.

My Dear Sir-Yours of the 9th, enclosing the letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much. of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it administered as it

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