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INTRODUCTION.

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OUR country, during the last four years, has been the theatre of a rebellion, which, in point of magnitude and enormity, has scarcely a parallel in the world's history. Conceived in sin and born in iniquity, it has been, from the beginning, a monstrous exhibition of human depravity, and characterized by cruelties and atrocities supposed to be peculiar to barbarians only. These atrocities, although beggaring description, and almost exceeding belief, are yet substantiated by evidence abundant and superabundant.

To give an account of these atrocities, is the design of the following work. The author was led to its preparation by what he has seen and suffered. A Southern man by birth and education, he was on his way homeward at the breaking out of the rebellion. At Richmond, Virginia, his progress was suddenly arrested, by acts of violence and threats of incarceration, on account of his refusal to take the oath of allegiance to the rebel government. With difficulty be effected his escape, and succeeded in reaching Washington, D. C. Thrown out of employment-cut off from his resources-cast among strangers--suffering keenly in many ways, and sympathizing deeply with the persecuted Unionists of the revolted States--he was naturally led to think much of the causeless character, and enormous wickedness, and hideous barbarism of the revolt. In this course of thought the present work had its origin.

At first, the author's ideal was somewhat indefinite; but as he thought, and read, and wrote, it gradually assumed-shape and grew into its present proportions.

The author makes no pretensions to literary eminence. He has aimed only at a simple and truthful presentation of facts, and has taken great pains to insert nothing but well-authenticated facts. Comments he has generally avoided, although strongly tempted thereto by his own feelings, preferring to let the facts speak for themselves. He is fully persuaded that his book gives only a faint picture of the reality. This is confirmed by the concurrent testimony of thousands upon thousands of refugees from the land of bondage-of men who, on account of their love for the Union which our fathers formed, have been driven from the revolted States, leaving home, and kindred, and the accumulations of years, perhaps of a lifetime. They tell us that the whole cannot be toldthat the reality exceeds our conceptions.

But why, it may be asked, present to the public such a revolting picture of cruelty and crime? How else is the animus of the rebellion, which has filled the land with sighs and tears, with broken hearts and stricken households, to be brought out to view and placed in a clear light? How else is the character of the conspirators against a beneficent government, which made them the chief recipients of its favors, and loaded them with its benefits, to be unfolded and made fully manifest? How else are measures to be adopted, wisely and effectively, for subduing a revolt of such immense proportions and enormous wickedness? How else is

sympathy to be awakened, and relief secured for our suffering soldiers, taken captive in battle, and groaning, starving, shivering, dying in Southern prisons-and for the persecuted Unionists of the rebellious States, robbed of their property, driven from their homes, hiding in dens and caves, hunted with bloodhounds, forced into the rebel service--subject to every species of indignity and wrong if suffered to live? Have they no claims upon us? Have we no duties in regard to them? How else is it to be known what it has cost them, and what praise and admiration they deserve for adhering to the old flag? To adhere to the Union has cost us comparatively little; but what has it not cost the Unionists of East Tennessee and Texas? And for it, will they not

deserve to be held up for admiration, in all ages and generations? But how can this be made known or properly estimated, without a recital of the atrocities to which they have been subjected?

How else are men to learn what is the natural fruit of that institution, which has so long been paramount in the revolted states, penetrating all the relations of life, underlying all measures, and overshadowing all interests, giving shape and tone to society in all its departments, and manifestations to its civilization, its literature, and even its religion? These atrocities are the natural outgrowth of slavery, and show it to be barbarous in its tendencies and results, as well as in its origin. Such an institution, trampling upon the rights of man, ignoring the social relations of husband and wife, of parent and child, reducing one class to a state of chattelism, and making irrespousible despots of another, cannot but foment the worst passions, and be productive of violence and bloodshed. This, in substance, was long since affirmed by the illustrious author of the Declaration of Independence, and it is confirmed by the present rebellion. In these atrocities may be seen, what is the state of society which it produces, what is the civilization it admits of, what is the Christianity to which it gives shape.

But it may be said that atrocities have been committed on the Union side. This is doubtless true. But they have been comparatively limited in number and enormity, and have usually met with exemplary punishment when detected. Our people and our Government, our officers and our soldiers, have been slow to retaliate, when deeds of barbarism have been committed by the rebels. It may be questioned whether they have not forborne when forbearance ceased to be a virtue. Fort Pillow, which will constitute one of the bloodiest pages of history, remains unavenged. The starving and shooting and bayoneting of prisoners of war, so common by the rebels, have never been imitated by us. While Unionists in the revolted states are hunted down like wild beasts by blood-hounds, Secession sympathizers among us are

usually unmolested and allowed freely to utter their sentiments.

It may be said further that these atrocities are in many cases the work of guerrillas. But when or where, have they been repudiated and condemned by the rebel authorities? When or where have the authors of them

been punished on account of them? In how many cases have they been commended and extolled, and rewarded with the honors and emoluments of office?

But it may be said, still further, that the atrocities recorded in this book are isolated and extreme cases, and do not present a fair view of the matter. Would that this were true! But so far is this from being true, that the picture, as already intimated, is altogether too faint. The atrocities related in this book are only specimens; mere selections from an immense mass of hideous deeds of barbarism. Were the whole to be recorded, the mind would tire of, and recoil from the recital; were the whole to be recorded, volumes would be, required. Barbarism has characterized the rebellion from the beginning to the present hour, in every state, and county, and town, and village, and hamlet. It originated in barbarism; has been prosecuted with barbarism; and may its overthrow be the overthrow of barbarism, and give place to a higher civilization, and a purer Christianity!

Believing that these atrocities should be held up for the execration of mankind; that they illustrate great and fundamental truths in morals and politics; that a brief record of them is necessary for the instruction of his countrymen, the author commits the work to the public, in the hope that it may be of some little service to the country and the world. WILLIAM RUSSELL.

PART I.

TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR BY THE REBEL GOVERNMENT, AND ITS

AUTHORIZED AGENTS.

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