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public opinion of the world. On this arena we have got to meet our opponents sooner or later. We live in an age of discussion--all ques tions of science and arts, morals and governments, must pass this ordeal. The Institution of African slavery amongst us cannot escape it. If it does not stand upon the immutable principles of nature, as I believe it does, it must go down, and ought to go down. And in the vindication of these great fundamental truths, relating to Negro inequality and his natural subordinate position, which lie at the foundation of our social fabric, no man, North or South, or in the world, has displayed more boldness and power than this same much abused and grossly misrepresented Stephen A. Douglas.

No man has ever uttered these, or any other truths, in this country, with more peril or hazard to himself. Whether in the Senate or on the hustings, whether at the South or the North-whether before party friends or Abolition mobs, he has never shrunk from their utterance from fear, favor, or affection. When duty required him to speak, he has never been silent. See him breasting the anathemas of the three thousand New England clergymen, hurled against him for the defence of your rights, under the Constitution. See him at Chicago, imperilling even life itself in vindication of the same cause-your rights under the Constitution-and say if it comes with a good grace, from a Southern man, to denounce him as an enemy to us or ours.

Was there ever blacker ingratitude, since Adam's first great fall, than such demonstrations against such a man? Were I to remain silent while I hear them, and see him so unjustly slain, by those who know not what they do, I should feel myself to be as guilty of innocent blood as those who stood by and held Stephen's clothes while he was stoned to death. Whatever may be his opinions of Popular Sovereignty, or Squatter Sovereignty, or the right of Self-government, on the part of all organized Communities-call it what you will-they are the same now that they have always been--the same that they were in 1856, when he was the favorite of the Georgia Democracy for the Presidency. I thought of his doctrine then just as I do now. If others have changed their opinions since, he has not. It is one of the qualities about him that increases my admiration, that he is no time-server-he does not change with the popular current-he bends to no storm-he maintains his fidelity and integrity to principle through woe as well as through weal.

One of the most manly exhibitions of moral courage and nerve this country ever witnessed, was seen in his contest in Illinois in 1858. With the Abolition hosts in front, and all the forces of the Administration, so unnaturally and unjustly brought in the rear, he fought the battle single-handed and alone, achieving a victory unparalleled in the history of politics in this country. Why should not such a man receive our support? Not only Democratic, but Whig and American-a united Southern, as well as a national support? Are his principles not national, equal and

just to all? Of his associate on the ticket, I need not speak here. Herschel V. Johnson needs no indorsement from any man in Georgia. No son of hers was ever more sensitively alive to all your great and most vital interests. He has been tried in the Senate, and the Executive Chair, in the highest and most responsible offices, proving himself to be equal to any and every occasion.

Fellow-citizens, there is much more I wish to say-much upon the protection Platform of those who call themselves the true Democracy; but my strength has failed-I am completely exhausted. I can only add : Look at the questions in all their bearings, to your past records, to your present and future security, and as patriots, do your duty, trust the rest with God.

[Here Mr. S., being unable longer to stand, took his seat. The audience remaining quiet, calls were made for Cumming, Wright, and others; but no one of the gentlemen called for appearing, Mr. Geo. W. Lamar arose on the steps, and announced that Mr. S. would be able to proceed in a few minutes. After some enlivening airs from the brass band, Mr. S. arose, with great physical weakness, and proceeded.]

I do not feel, fellow-citizens, as if, in justice to myself, I ought to attempt to say more to-night; but there is no cause in which I would more willingly die than in the cause of my country; and I would just as soon fall here, at this time, in the advocacy of those principles upon which its past glory has been achieved, its present prosperity, and its future hopes depend, as anywhere else, or on any other occasion. I told you, at the outset, that the signs of the times portend evil. I gave you this as my deliberate judgment; the future must make its own discloBut you need not be surprised to see these States, now so peaceful, contented, prosperous, and happy, embroiled in war in less than twelve months. There are occasions too grave for excitement, or any appeal to the passions. Believe me, I mean all I say; the most terrific tornadoes, those which demolish cities, destroy whole fleets, and sweep everything before them, come most unexpectedly. So do the most violent revolutions amongst men. The human passions are the same everywhere. They are dangerous elements for public men, politicians, and Party leaders to deal with.

sures.

The condition of the country threatens the most violent conflict of sectional feeling, antipathy, and animosity, at no distant day. Should an outbreak occur, where is the power that can control it? A ball may be put in motion by one who cannot stop it; a fire may be kindled by hands that cannot quench it. Those who begin revolutions seldom end them. I do not mean to say that the secession movement at Charleston and Baltimore was a Disunionist movement, or intended as such by all those who joined in it. I do not mean to say that Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane, who gave that movement their countenance, by accepting nominations under it, are Disunionists. I know both these gentlemen

well, and doubt not their patriotism. Had either of them, or both, received the nominations from the regular Democratic Convention, I should have given them as warm a support as I do Messrs. Douglas and Johnson. Neither do I mean to say that the great mass of those who support the Seceders' ticket arc Disunionists-no, far from it. But I do mean to say that the movement, whatever may have been the motives in which it originated, and by which it is countenanced and supported, whether by good men or bad, tends to disunion-to civil strife—may lead to it--and most probably will, unless arrested by the virtue, intelligence, and patriotism of the people. Is the cause assigned sufficient to put in hazard such even probable results? If it is, let the hazard be made; but if not, let us pause and consider. Much as I am attached to the Union, and as clearly convinced as I am that it is best for the interests and welfare of all sections, that it shall be preserved and maintained, if it can be, consistently with the rights, honor and security of all parts, yet I hold it subordinate to these great objects of its formation: life itself, dear as it must be held by all subordinate to essential rights and honor. This is true of individuals, and it is true of States and Nations. It was with these views and feelings, the ultimatum of our State was set forth in what is known as the Georgia Platform, in 1850. As I did then, so do I now, hold the Union subordinate to the objects therein set forth. On that Platform Georgia planted herself then, and on it I trust she will continue to stand. On the principles of that Platform I believe the Union ought to be maintained, and can be, if our Southern people are but true to themselves.

Now, this Secession movement, if pushed to its legitimate consequences, is a departure from those principles. In politics, as in morals, the first false step is the dangerous step. It matters but little what men intend when they set out in error. One step leads the way to another. "Facilis decensus averno." Feelings, views, and objects change as they progress. Ideas that the mind would have revolted at, at first, are soon cordially embraced. The Scriptural character of Hazael is a striking illustration of human weakness in this particular. This Charleston Secession movement, I say, is founded upon a departure from principle. Not only a departure from the Georgia Platform, and from the long-established principles of the National Democratic Party, but upon an entire change of position of the entire South, of all Parties, not of all individuals, in relation to the power and jurisdiction of the Federal Government over the subject of African Slavery.

I need not be reminded that this was not my position, and that of a few others. This I know, and if I had that personal vanity that could indulge individual gratification at the remotest hazard of the public welfare, I might now be claiming great credit for myself. All this I am aware of; but I have no such vanity. My position, however, was not that of the South on this question. It was overruled; I yielded to the demands

of the South. A settlement of this question was made according to their demands; and with me, when a matter is settled, it is settled forever.

What I affirm is, that the position of the South, for seventy years, has been a denial of the jurisdiction of Congress over the subject of Slavery in the States and Territories. It was upon this denial of jurisdiction that the South resisted the reception of Abolition petitions. This position is directly reversed at Charleston and Baltimore.

If we go to Congress with a request, a petition, or demand, to pass a law to protect Slavery in the Territories, why may not, on the same principle, so far as jurisdiction of the question is concerned, the Anti-. Slavery men of the North go before the same body with their request, petition or demand, and ask that such law shall not be passed, or that one of the contrary character shall be passed? The door of jurisdiction, which has been closed so long, will be clearly and fully opened by this Secession movement, if it is sustained by the people. And I fear it will be like the opening of that great door on the confines of hell, "grating harsh thunder" on its turning hinges, which permitted the escape from the bottomless pit of all the foul fiends with which this once heavenlike earth of ours has been cursed?

I say I fear the most mischievous consequences from this change of position. What is to be gained by it? What is proposed to be gained by it? Do those who favor it ever expect to get a law passed by Congress carrying out the principles of their Platform? So far from it, the most prominent of their leaders openly assert that they will never vote for such a law themselves. Mr. Breckinridge, their candidate, has declared in his letter of acceptance just as fully against such a law, as Mr. Douglas ever did. Then what possible good can ever come of the movement, even if an election could be carried by it? But that, all must see, is utterly impossible. Then what is to come of it? What is to be the result? If no good can follow, may not great mischief? This, to me, appears a most palpable and inevitable result.

It may secure the election of the Republican candidate. Whether it it will succeed in this or not, time alone can disclose. But if it does, what then? Yes, what then? Let those answer who started the movement. To me, it seems clear, that the running of a Breckinridge and Lane ticket, at the South, can have no possible effect but to increase the chances of Mr. Lincoln, which were fearfully close before. With a united Democracy, North and South, on the old Platform of principles, I should not have permitted myself to doubt as to the result, under the lead of Mr. Douglas, or Mr. Breckinridge, Mr. Cobb, Mr. Hunter, or any other of the distinguished competitors for the nomination.

But now the only hope is that Mr. Douglas may be able to carry enough Northern Electoral votes, over Mr. Breckinridge and Lincoln both, to save the country from the excitements and dangers of a Republican triumph. This may be done. The news from New York, Illinois,

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Indiana, and several other Northern States is such as to furnish grounds of hope, if not to inspire confidence. But it cannot be done by giving aid and comfort to this seceding movement. On the contrary, it will be done by an effort of patriotism rising superior to, and stronger than, the power of that movement. This is my judgment; I give it to you for what it is worth, consider of it as you think best. I do not give it to you as a partisan; I have no personal or partisan feelings on the subject. In all that I have said, I have been governed solely by considerations of the public good.

[Here Mr. Stephens, after returning thanks to the ladies who had honored the occasion with their presence, and addressing some remarks to them pertinent to the subject, and the influence of women in public affairs, though they took no active part in politics, and appealing to all classes, young and old, fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, boys, and all, to exert whatever influence they possessed in the cause of their country in this hour of her great need; and expressing hope that, under Providence, the late bright prospect of a great future and high career for our young Republic, not yet having reached manhood, might not be cut off and blasted, but that it should continue, for ages to come, to bless untold millions, again took his seat amidst loud and prolonged applause.]

F.

RULES FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA, 1861.

MR. STEPHENS, from the Committee on Rules, made the following report:

I. The vote upon all questions in this Congress, except as hereafter otherwise provided, shall be taken by States; each State shall be entitled to one vote. A majority of all the States represented shall be necessary to carry any question. The delegates from each State may designate the member to cast the vote for their State, and upon the motion of any member seconded by one-fifth of the members present, or at the instance of any one State, the Yeas and Nays of the entire body shall be spread upon the journals upon any question.

II. Any number of members from a majority of the States now represented or hereafter to be represented by duly accredited delegates from States seceding from the United States of America, shall constitute a quorum to transact business.

III. The President having taken the Chair, and a quorum being present, the journal of the preceding day shall be read, and any mistakes in the entries shall upon motion then be corrected.

IV. No member shall speak to another, or otherwise interrupt the

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