be as vain as that of Xerxes to control the waters of the Hellespont by whipping them in his rage.

The times, as you intimate, do, indeed, portend evil. But I have no fears for the Institution of Slavery, either in the Union or out of it, if our people are but true to themselves—true, stable and loyal to fixed principles and settled policy; and if they are not thus true, I have little hope of anything good, whether the present Union last or a new one be formed. There is, in my judgment, nothing to fear from the "Irrepressible Conflict " of which we hear so much. Slavery rests upon great truths, which can never be successfully assailed by reason or argument. It has grown stronger in the minds of men the more it has been discussed, and it will still grow stronger as the discussion proceeds and time rolls on. Truth is omnipotent, and must prevail! We have only to maintain the truth with firmness, and wield it aright. Our system rests upon an impregnable basis, that can and will defy all assaults from without. My greatest apprehension is from causes within-there lies the greatest danger. We have grown luxuriant in the exuberance of our well being and unparalleled prosperity. There is a tendency everywhere, not only at the North, but at the South, to strife, dissension, disorder, and anarchy. It is against this tendency that the soberminded and reflecting men everywhere should now be called upon to guard.

My opinion, then, is, that delegates ought to be sent to the adjourned Convention at Baltimore. The demand made at Charleston by the Seceders ought not to be insisted upon. Harmony being restored on this point, a nomination can doubtless be made of some man whom the Party, everywhere, can support, with the same zeal, and the same ardor with which they entered and waged the contest in 1856, when the same principles were involved.

If, in this, there be a failure, let the responsibility not rest upon us. Let our hands be clear of all blame. Let there be no cause for casting censure at our door. If, in the end, the great National Democratic Party-the strong ligament, which has so long bound and held the Union together-shaped its policy and controlled its destinies-and to which we have so often looked with a hope that seldom failed, as the only Party North on which to rely, in the most trying hours when Constitutional rights were in peril, let it not be said to us, in the midst of the disasters that may ensue, "you did it!" In any and every event, let not the reproach of Punic faith rest upon our name. If everything else has to go down, let our untarnished honor, at least, survive the wreck. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.

D.

LETTER OF MR. STEPHENS TO DR. Z. P. LANDRUM, OF LEXINGTON, GEORGIA, ON THE RUPTURE IN THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, AT BALTIMORE, IN 1860.

CRAWFORDVILLE, GA., JULY 1, 1860.

MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 26th ultimo was duly received, and I now return you an answer by the earliest mail that will bear it. But I confess my utter inability to give you any definite or satisfactory response to your several inquiries. The condition of public affairs, in my judgment, is truly deplorable, and I see but little prospect of it being bettered by any effort of patriotism on my part. Your professional practice has doubtless presented you with many cases where the symptoms indicated a malignity of disease beyond the power of medical skill. Such, you will excuse me in saying, are the symptoms of our public disorders, in my judgment, at this time. I see no remedy, can make no prescription-and can suggest nothing. The "vis medicatrix naturæ," is the only hope, and when this is the only hope, the best course is to leave the patient quietly to himself.

It is useless to discuss questions relating to the origin of this state of things, or how the evils that are upon us, or the worse ones ahead now threatening, could have been avoided. The times seem to be sadly out of joint.

In reply to what you say of my power, and that patriotism and statesmanship must "save us, else we perish," I can only say, with an oppressed heart, that there are periods in every Nation's history, when passions get the better of reason, when no human power can avail anything, when patriotism and statesmanship are alike submerged under the irresistible wave. At such times no power short of that which said to the troubled waters of Galilee's Sea, "Peace, be still!" can allay the storm. This is that unseen, but all-prevailing, and all-controlling power of Providence, which shapes the fortunes of men, and guides the destiny of States. What is to be the future of this country, I cannot say. I can not even venture a conjecture. All I can do is to indulge a hope, strong or weak, as it may be, that all may yet be well. How this is to be, I do not see; it was the prospect of the events we now have upon us, "the shadows" of which I saw in advance of their approach, with the full conviction and consciousness that I could do nothing to avert them, that caused me to retire from that position of responsibility I had so long held, and in which I felt satisfied I could no longer be useful.

The real evils of the times the people do not understand. It springs from no defect in their Government, from no "Irrepressible Conflict" of interest between the two great sections of the Union, from no danger to the rights, interest, honor, or safety of either, but from the want of true

patriotism on the part of our public men in all sections; from the want of devotion to the country, for the country's sake; from a want of loyalty to principle; nay, more, directly from the ambition of aspirants for place and power. This begets personal strife, prompted by jealousy and envy, and hate. These are amongst the strongest, as well as the worst passions of human nature. They are not confined to humanity; even in Heaven (it is said) they once exhibited their power and fury. If there they made devils of angels, what may we not expect them to make of men on earth? The good, the virtuous, and the wise, may look on and lament. Sometimes wise counsels may arrest and prevent most mischievous consequences, at others they are as impotent as chaff to stay the force of a storm. What influence had La Fayette's sage admonitions on the passions of the frenzied populace of France, aroused and led on by demagogues? I need not indulge, however, any fonger in this strain.

To come to particulars. I assure you I am pained and grieved at what was done at Baltimore. The Charleston Rupture was bad enough, but that at Baltimore was much worse. What the friends of Mr. Douglas meant by pressing his nomination in the face of the secession of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Virginia, to say nothing of other States, I cannot imagine. As I view the field, he has no probable chance of election. Why they should put him up to be beaten is strange to me. I cannot understand it. They certainly have not as much regard for his noble spirit, great talents, and merits as I have. Madness and folly seem to have ruled the hour. The only use or public benefit his running can be, it seems to me, is for him to carry enough Northern Electoral votes to defeat Mr. Lincoln before the people, and to throw the election into the House, where his Party rival, Mr. Breckenridge, may make him a stepping-stone in his elevation to power and place. In this way he may possibly, by his back and shoulders, enable Mr. Breckenridge to succeed in his election, and benefit the country by the defeat of Mr. Lincoln. But what honor this will be to Mr. Douglas I think it would be difficult for his friends to show. If this position had been necessary for any one, I would have assigned it to some other—some one who could, and would have rendered the country great public service, and at the same time might have been gaining and not losing public reputation himself. Again, his friends, it seems to me, must have known that his nomination, made under the circumstances that it was, could not have the power of keeping the National Organization together. It was virtually a rupture of it. The usages of the Party and its constitution, it will be said, (however the facts may be,) were violated in putting him forth as its nominee, without the concurrence of twothirds of the Electoral votes. This will effectually produce general

demoralization.

The consequence is, we are and shall be, during the whole canvass,

entirely at sea. No one will be looked to as the regularly appointed standard-bearer of the flag of the National Organization. The rupture is complete, and may be final. How that will be, the future must determine. This election, at best, can but be a scrub race between the Democratic candidates. The National Democratic Party is in the position of the old Republican Party in 1824. The same fate may be in reserve for it. That never was again re-organized, though another National Organization did spring up out of the fragments and dissolving elements of old organizations, which was sufficient, under Providence, to save our Institutions; and so it may be again.

It is consoling to the patriot at least to indulge in the hope that such may be the case. But that the South will ever get an Act of Congress protecting slave property in the Territories, I have no idea. That those who now insist upon such an article in a National Party creed ever expect to see such an Act passed, I have no idea. For many of them say that they would not vote for such a law. And that such a law would never be of the least advantage to the South, I am well satisfied. Hence, I was, and am clear in my conviction that it was not only not patriotic, but exceedingly unwise and mischievous to insist upon such an interpolation on the old National Party Platform, and particularly at this juncture. But I will not confine my remarks to this juncture; for I verily believe that Non-Intervention by Congress with Slavery in the Territories, is a proper and safe doctrine at all times. For this reason I acquiesced in it, when and as I did. Had the Party at this time continued to stand on it with Mr. Douglas, they would have carried the country by an overwhelming majority, and would have annihilated the "Black Republican Organization," as it is called, for all time to come. This is my opinion. As matters now stand, this great result is put almost upon the chances of the turning of a die. If Douglas can carry enough Northern States to defeat Lincoln's election in the Electoral Colleges, the contest will then come up in the House; when, if the South unite with California and Oregon, Lincoln may be defeated.

But the seat of the Democratic member from Oregon (MR. STOUT) is now contested, and I have no doubt a majority in the present House will vote him out, in case the election for President shall go before that body. Then there is great danger that a strife will arise between the friends of Bell and Breckenridge, in case they both be on the list of the three highest voted for by the Colleges. In that event, there will be no hope but in staving off the election until the 4th of March, when the Senate will have to make the choice under the Constitution. But in all these chances, in view of the passions and prejudices of bad men, aiming at rule and power, who does not see in advance the imminent danger at every turn, of some outbreak that may lead to revolution? Have we not fallen upon evil times, when so much has been hazarded to accom

plish no object higher or worthier than the gratification of personal envy, hate, revenge, and ambition? The prospect is gloomy enough, but, my dear sir, I do not despair of the Republic; though I do not at this time see in what way anything I can do or say would be of the least benefit, yet I am not without hope that deliverance in some way is in store for us. As to whether a Douglas ticket should be run in Georgia, I can give no advice either for or against it. What those Southern States-Alabama and Louisana—which voted for Mr. Douglas at Baltimore, as they did, meant by their course, or what they expected to accomplish by it, I do not know. I have received no explanations. What Governor Johnson expects to accomplish, I do not know. I have heard nothing from any of them. I see the editor of the Constitutionalist speaks as if he thinks the South will go for Douglas. To me, this seems little short of utter dementation. Still I may be mistaken. I only speak to you my individual opinions, formed from observations such as I can make in my quiet retreat, without mingling at all with the outside world, except through the medium of the public press. Had Douglas been nominated at Charleston (even after the Secession took place), he would have carried the South against a Richmond nomination. But at present it is impossible. The Baltimore Convention, instead of stopping the break in the levee, only made it deeper and wider. It is now, in my judgment, entirely beyond control. Nothing but a subsidence of the waters will ever arrest it. I think, moreover, that the declination of Fitzpatrick, and the general enthusiasm for Breckinridge and Lane in the South, will greatly damage Douglas in the North, if it does not entirely break him down there. As the prospect of his election diminishes, as it will very soon, even with those who were foolish enough to put him up as they did-thousands will abandon him to get on the winning side. Some from spite, and some from personal motives, so that in the end I should not be greatly surprised to see Lincoln elected by the people. In this state of things, so far as I am concerned, I am satisfied that the best course I can take is, to leave the whole matter with those who have undertaken the management of the crisis. Should it turn out well, no one will be more rejoiced than myself. Should it turn out badly, while I shall feel relieved of all personal responsibility— should I be in life-I shall endeavor to do whatever the dictates of patriotism may point out, whenever an occasion shall arise, when I see any prospect for doing good. At this time, I repeat, I see none. I expect, therefore, in this contest, to be perfectly silent. I see no good to be accomplished by any word that I can say. The popular fever must run its course. I do not wish any one to be influenced by my views, one way or the other. Every one should act from the dictates of his own judgment. If the "worst comes," and we shall be precipitated into disunion, even by what I deem unwise counsels, which is not at all improbable, I shall yield to that misfortune as to all others. My