by Gen. "Dick" Taylor commanding in Alabama, who surrendered his forces to General Edward R. S. Canby, upon similar terms on the 4th of May. A like surrender of all the Confederate forces west of the Mississippi, was made by Gen. E. Kirby Smith, to the same Federal officer, on the 26th of the same month. All other smaller detachments of Confederate forces scattered about in various parts of the country, had, in the meantime, been surrendered by their officers in command, upon the same or similar terms. Kirby Smith's surrender was the last.

The whole number of Confederates thus surrendered, from the 9th of April to the 25th of May, according to the muster rolls, amounted to a little under 175,000 in number. This embraced quite a number who, from disease, were not actively in the field at the time. Making due allowance for these, there was, therefore, then, hardly more than 150,000 Confederates under arms. The whole number of Federal forces then in the field, and afterwards mustered out of service, as their records show, amounted in round numbers to 1,050,000.

Thus ended this greatest of modern wars-if not the greatest, in some respects, "known in the history of the human race." It lasted four years, and a little over, as we have seen, marked throughout by many sanguinary conflicts, with heroic exploits on both sides, which it has not been in the line of our investigation to notice, but all of which deserve to be, if they have not been, duly chronicled in proper place. Even in memory, many of them will be perpetuated as legends, and thus treasured as themes for story and song for ages to come.

One of the most striking features in it, was the great disparity between the number of the forces on the opposite sides. From its beginning to its end, near, if not quite, two millions more Federals were brought into the

The

field than the entire force of the Confederates. Federal records show that they had, from first to last, over 2,600,000 men in the service; while the Confederates, all told in like manner, could not have much, if any, exceeded 600,000! No People on earth ever maintained the great Right of Self-government, so long as the Confederates did in this contest, with such sacrifices of blood and treasure, against such odds!

The entire loss on both sides, including those who were permanently disabled, as well as those killed in battle and who died from wounds received and diseases contracted in the service, amounted, according to Mr. Greeley's estimate, which is more likely to be under than over the mark, to the "stupendous aggregate of One Million of Men!"

The like aggregate of expenditure of money on both sides, including the loss and sacrifice of property, could not have been less than Eight Thousand Millions of Dollars!-a sum fully equal to three-fourths of the assessed value of the taxable property of the entire country, when it commenced!

In concluding our Review, may we not well ask, as the dying soldier did in the first great battle on the Plains of Manassas: "What was all this for ?"

It remains for us now to see what it has so far come to. This subject has been set down for our next conver sation.

COLLOQUY XXIV.

RESULTS OF THE WAR-REFUSAL OF MR. JOHNSON TO APPROVE THE SHERMAN-JOHNSTON CONVENTION-EFFECTS OF THIS-THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY-THE RECONSTRUCTION POLICY OF CONGRESS-THE XIVTH AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION-GENERAL SITUATION OF THE SOUTH

CONDITION OF THINGS IN GEORGIA-GOVERNOR BROWN'S POSITION-THE ACTUAL RESULTS OF THE WAR THUS FAR-THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERYTHE ADOPTION OF THE XIIITH AMENDMENT, BUT NO ESSENTIAL FEATURE IN THE FEDERAL SYSTEM AS YET AFFECTED-TENDENCIES TO ULTIMATE CENTRALISM AND EMPIRE.

MR. STEPHENS. We come now, gentlemen, to the consideration of the Results of this terrible Conflict of arms, which grew out of the Conflict of Principles referred to in the beginning, especially its effects upon the general character of the Institutions of the States severally, as well as upon the nature and character of their relations to the Union, or upon the Federal System itself. This double conflict, both in the council-chamber and on the field, we have seen, was between the defenders of the Principles of Federation on one side, and the advocates of Consolidation on the other; or in other words, between the defenders and opposers of the Sovereign Right of local Self-government on the part of the Peoples of the several States engaged in it.

In considering these Results in this view, up to this time, we can, of course, at present, only note existing facts, and actual changes already effected, so far as they bear upon State and Federal affairs; and in connection with them, indulge such speculations as to the future, as these facts seem most reasonably to warrant. The real

and permanent results of this War upon our Institutions, and complex system of Governments, are not yet fully developed. Though Peace has been proclaimed, the smoke from the battle fields still clouds the horizon. President Johnson himself seems to be almost as much in the dark, upon what will be the ultimate consequences of the War, as he was when, as Senator, he offered the celebrated Resolution which we have specially noticed, declaring its objects and purposes. As he then did not "see his way clearly," so, at the surrender of the Confederate Armies, he seemed to be quite as incapable of having a clear perception of the legitimate consequences which necessarily and logically followed the doctrines and principles of that Resolution. According to these doctrines and principles, which expressly set forth the objects of the War on the Federal side not to be a subjugation of the Peoples of the Confederate States, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with their Rights or established Institutions, but to preserve the Union of the States with all their Dignity, Equality and Rights unimpaired, as they then existed under the Constitution,* he ought by all means, it seems to me, as President, to have ratified and confirmed the "Sherman-Johnston Convention," before alluded to. This, as its terms show,† was a complete abandonment of the War, and a formal engagement on the part of the Confederates, no longer to resist the due execution of the laws of the United States. This engagement, as we have seen, had been entered into on the part of the Confederates, in pursuance of authority from President Davis, Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the Confederate States.

In considering the results of the War, therefore, as far as they have as yet developed themselves, and observing See this Resolution, Ante, p. 457. † See Appendix S, No. 2.

to what they have as yet led, in the view it is proposed to take of them, it is not only important, but essential to note specially the most prominent facts bearing upon the subject in hand since the surrender up to this time. These, according to their importance, in my judgment, I will now proceed to state in regular order.

1. In the first place, then, the most important matter bearing upon the points we have in hand and which claims special attention, was this disapproval by Mr. Johnson of the "Sherman-Johnston Convention" referred to. His action on this occasion, in my opinion, must ever be considered as great an error in accomplishing his object, as was his error in the beginning in holding that the Union of the States under the Constitution could be preserved and rightfully maintained by force. This most extraordinary, if not fatal error of disapproving that Convention, is the more worthy of special notice here, from the fact that this action was so inconsistent with his own avowed principles, as well as with the avowed policy of Mr. Lincoln throughout the war, even down to the Fortress Monroe Conference, as we have seen. General Sherman whether expressly clothed with authority by Mr. Lincoln, to enter into that Convention, or not, in doing it and agreeing to the terms which he did, certainly acted not only in strict conformity with the principles of Mr. Johnson's Resolution, which had been sanctioned by every member of the Senate and by every member of the House with two exceptions, but with the uniformly avowed policy of Mr. Lincoln throughout the war. Indeed, the facts warrant the belief that General Sherman, in entering into that Convention, acted under express authority, verbal if not written, from Mr. Lincoln himself: for it is well known that, just before it was entered into, he had gone round to City Point, where