[Chicago Times, July 30, 1858]

AN AUDIENCE WANTED

It was Japhet, we believe, whose adventures in search of his father, furnished the novelist with the plot of a popular romance. There are but few of our readers who have not known, or at least heard of physicians unable, even in the midst of sickness, to obtain patients, lawyers unable to obtain clients, and actors unable to draw houses. But we venture to say that never before was there heard of in any political canvass in Illinois, of a candidate unable to obtain an audience to hear him! But such is the fact. Abe Lincoln, the candidate of all the Republicans, wants an audience. He came up to Chicago, and, taking advantage of the enthusiasm of Douglas' reception, made a speech here; he went to Bloomington, and, at the Douglas meeting, advertised himself for a future occasion; at Springfield he distributed handbills at the Douglas meeting imploring the people to hear him. The Springfield attempt was a failure. He came to Chicago, and declared it impossible for him to get the people to turn out to hear him, and then it was resolved to try and get him a chance to speak to the crowds drawn out to meet and welcome Douglas. That proposition was partially declined and another substituted; but yet the cringing, crawling creature is hanging at the outskirts of Douglas' meetings, begging the people to come and hear him. At Clinton he rose up at the Democratic meeting, and announced his intention to speak at night, but only 250 persons could be induced to attend his meeting.

He went yesterday to Monticello in Douglas' train; poor, desperate creature, he wants an audience; poor unhappy mortal, the people won't turn out to hear him, and he must do something, even if that something is mean, sneaking and disreputable!

We have a suggestion to make to Mr. Judd-the next friend of Lincoln. There are two very good circuses and menageries traveling through the State; these exhibitions always draw good crowds at country towns. Mr. Judd, in behalf of his candidate, at a reasonable expense, might make arrangements with the managers of these exhibitions to include a speech from Lincoln in their performances. In this way Lincoln could get good audiences, and his friends be relieved from the mortification they all feel at his present humiliating position.

[Chicago Journal, July 30, 1858]

DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN

The Times growls because Mr. Lincoln made a speech at Clinton, at night, in reply to that of Senator Douglas, delivered in the afternoon, and that he "went to Monticello in Douglas' train."

We suppose Douglas owns neither the railroad trains he travels on, nor the people whom he addresses. We hope Mr. Lincoln will answer Senator Douglas at every point. If he will not invite him to address the same audiences, Lincoln will have the "closing argument" to meetings of his own.

According to authority quoted in the Senator's Springfield speech, "there is no law against it."

[Peoria, Illinois, correspondence to the Philadelphia Press, August 4, 1858]

Lincoln, unable to gather a crowd himself, follows up Douglas and attempts to reply; but they are mere attempts. His hearers soon become satisfied and by the time he is done begging for a seat in the Senate he finds himself minus an audience.

[Illinois State Register, September 25, 1858]

"WHO FURNISHES THE AUDIENCES?"

Under this caption the Chicago Press and Tribune, of the 23d inst., proceeds to argue that at the joint discussions between Douglas and Lincoln thus far, the friends of the latter have been largely in the ascendant -hence Mr. Lincoln draws the greatest crowds. This conclusion is characteristic of the logical proclivities of that paper, and only lacks one feature-truth.

If this assertion is true, why then does Mr. Lincoln persist in following up Judge Douglas for the ostensible purpose of taking advantage of the large audiences assembled to hear him? For instance look at his last demonstration at Sullivan, where, through his uncourteous behavior, a riot was almost precipitated.

The fact is, Mr. Lincoln can't draw large crowds-the sympathy o the people is not with him-consequently he resorts to this highly disreputable course to make a show. The Chicago organ cannot palm off such logic upon the people of Illinois.

[New York Herald, August 3, 1858]

DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN ON THE STUMP

The Chicago Times states that Douglas and Lincoln met on the 27 ult. at Clinton. The former spoke for three hours, and the latter replied at an evening meeting. The Times indulges in a tirade against Mr. Lincoln, an extract from which will serve to indicate the bitterness of feeling that enters into this contest:

Lincoln was present during the delivery of the speech, sitting immediately in front of Senator Douglas, but rendered invisible from the stand by a gentleman in

green goggles, whom he used as a shield and cover. After Senator Douglas had concluded, and the cheers which greeted him ceased, green goggles rose and proposed three cheers for Lincoln, which were given by about ten men who stood immediately around him. Mr. Lincoln then gradually lengthened out his long, lank proportions until he stood upon his feet, and with a desperate attempt at looking pleasant, said that he would not take advantage of Judge Douglas' crowd, but would address "sich" as liked to hear him in the evening at the Court House. Having made this announcement in a tone and with an air of a perfect "Uriah Heep," pleading his humility, and asking for forgiveness of Heaven for his enemies, he stood washing his hands with invisible soap in imperceptible water, until his friends, seeing that his mind was wandering, took him in charge, and bundled him off the ground.

Mr. Lincoln's course in following Senator Douglas is condemned here even by his friends. He explains it by saying that he challenged Judge Douglas to meet the people and address them together, which challenge had not been accepted. The unfairness and untruth of this statement made in Chicago you who have seen the correspondence know.

Douglas was devoting a large share of attention in these speeches to his fellow-senator, Trumbull, who had charged Douglas with a corrupt bargain in espousing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise measure. Strong language was used by each and rumors of a personal encounter likely to follow between the two men were common. Trumbull's speeches were widely quoted in the eastern press as "representative Republican doctrines." The Boston Daily Traveler headed its campaign letter, "Illinois, Trumbull and Douglas." Lincoln saw that he was likely to be ignored if Trumbull were permitted to monopolize the attention of Douglas and in that case his political chances would be jeopardized. Manifestly his only course was to challenge Douglas to a series of set debates in which the political issues of the day would replace the personal matters at stake between Douglas and Trumbull. After consulting with representative Republicans of the State, Lincoln sent the following letter to Douglas:

Hon. S. A. Douglas.

CHICAGO, ILL., July 24, 1858

MY DEAR SIR: Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences the present canvass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is authorized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such agreement. Your obedient servant,

The same day Douglas replied to Lincoln:

Hon. A. Lincoln.

A. LINCOLN

CHICAGO, July 24, 1858

DEAR SIR: Your note of this date, in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make an arrangement to divide the time and address the same audiences during the present canvass, was handed to me by Mr. Judd. Recent events have interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement.

I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of conferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and under their advice, made a list of appointments covering the entire period until late in October. The people of the several localities have been notified of the times and places of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made for Democratic meetings, and arrangements have been made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and address the people. It is evident, therefore, that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches. Besides, there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrangement with you, it is more than probable that this other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case.

Norman B. Judd (1815-78), a prominent Chicago attorney, was at this time chairman of the Republican State Central Committee.

I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was your original intention to invite such an arrangement, that you should have waited until after I had made my appointments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicago together for several days after my arrival, and again at Bloomington, Atlanta, Lincoln, and Springfield, where it was well known I went for the purpose of consulting with the State Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the campaign.

While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at liberty to make any arrangements which would deprive the Democratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legislature, from participating in the discussion at the various meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Committee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making an arrangement with you for a discussion between us at one prominent point in each Congressional District in the State, except the second and sixth districts, where we have both spoken,' and in each of which cases you had the concluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the following places as those most suitable in the several Congressional Districts at which we should speak, to wit: Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro, and Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest convenient opportunity in regard to the mode of conducting the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, subject to the condition that where appointments have already been made by the Democratic State Central Committee at any of those places, I must insist upon you meeting me at the times specified.

Very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

S. A. DOUGLAS

This correspondence was at once given to the press and excited a variety of comment.

[Chicago Daily Journal, July 27, 1858]

LINCOLN'S CHALLENGE TO DOUGLAS

Below will be found the challenge of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas, and the reply of the latter.

We do not think it argues very well for the courage of the Senator that he evades the challenge in the manner he does, nor much for his courtesy when asked to confer with the Chairman of the Republican Chicago was in the second congressional district and Springfield was in the sixth. See the map in this volume.