The beauty of their uniform, their general neatness of appearance, the certainty and rapidity with which they moved at the word of command, all combined to make them justly worthy of admiration and praise.

[Alton Courier, October 19, 1858]
ENCOURAGING

In our notice, the other day, of the flags and banners displayed, we are advised we did a "Young America Republican" injustice, as will be seen by the following:

Editor Alton Courier:

In your notice Saturday you give my father the credit of hanging out the banners at his store. I did it! They are mine. I have kept some of them ever since the election of the brave Col. Bissell, and will hang them out again when Lincoln is elected. I am only a "Young America" Republican, twelve years old, but if I had twelve votes I would give them all to Lincoln and Liberty.

HARRY LEA

Good for Harry, say we. He has all the fire of a genuine Republican, and puts to shame many of his elders. Those banners will be wanted, Harry, so be sure and keep them safe, and think what a rejoicing we will have on that occasion. How many of our young folks can say as much as Harry?

[Chicago Press and Tribune, October 18, 1858]

THE ALTON DEBATE

The seventh and last public debate between Lincoln and Douglas, came off at Alton on Friday last. The audience, though large, was not equal in point of numbers to the average of those at the preceding discussions. This may be attributed partly to the staid character of the population of Madison County—a considerable plurality of whom are Old Line Whigs, and partly to the fact that both speakers had previously visited in the county during the campaign.

Mr. Douglas' prudence in limiting this national discussion to seven meetings has prevented our candidate from driving him any farther into the ditch. We are grateful for what has been vouchsafed us.

[Springfield, Ill., Republican, October 21, 1858]

Douglas and Lincoln have concluded their joint discussions. The last was at Alton, on Friday. Each has about a dozen more appointments for speeches by themselves before the election.

CHAPTER XII

PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN

[Boston Daily Courier, July 16, 1858]

The speech of Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, following upon that of Senator Douglas, delivered the preceding day, has come to hand, and we have now read them both with much attention. The contest for the Senatorship between these two gentlemen is one of very great interest to the country at large, since by its issue will be substantially determined the political character of their State at the next Presidential election.

... Mr. Douglas assumes his position, in conformity with the laws of his State, that a negro is not entitled to the privileges, immunities and rights of citizenship. He says, "I am utterly opposed to negro equality with white men," and this corresponds with the existing laws of Illinois, which, while they forbid slavery, also forbid a negro to vote or hold office, to serve on juries, or to enjoy political privileges; as is the practice of Massachusetts, except in regard to the voting, though our laws are silent on the subject.

Mr. Lincoln, on the other hand, amongst many other things tending to the same point, which we cannot quote in detail, declares-"I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any abolitionist," and when a man goes to the lengths of an abolitionist on this point, it is obvious that he waits only for opportunity to unite with those impracticables in their not very reasonable or judicious measures for its extinction. We must think it is not of such stuff that Senators of the United States, holding slave States with their rights, as well as free States with their rights, ought to be made; nor is it easy to see how the people of Illinois, under their own Constitution and laws, can find it consistent to elect a gentleman holding such opinions. The issue, of course, is quite beyond conjecture; but the diverse views of the candidates, on the point thus indicated, show what is the real question and what will be the nature of the discussion as the canvass proceeds.

Thus in a free State, excluding negroes from all rights of citizenship by law, curiously enough, negroism in one aspect or another seems to

constitute the gist of the controversy. The contest has begun with every commendable exhibition of courtesy between the rivals. In point of oratorical ability there is no comparison between them. Judge Douglas's speech is graceful, compact, and easy. Mr. Lincoln's inelegant, discursive, and laborious. We can hardly conceive of the latter producing much popular impression, even with the truth; while the former might render even sophistry agreeable to a not unwilling crowd.

[Cincinnati Gazette, August 11, 1858]

DOUGLAS PLAYING DOUBLE

The Chicago Tribune alleges that, in certain quarters, Douglas breaks down on so much of the Dred Scott decision as conflicts with Squatter Sovereignty; alleging further that all the points settled by the Supreme Court, beyond the fact of the non-citizenship of negroes, are of no authority, being obiter dicta. He cannot avoid the glaring inconsistency of maintaining the validity of the whole decision, and yet asserting his "popular sovereignty" dogma. One or the other must go to the wall . . . . . he finds that he [Lincoln] is pressing home on him with terrible effect the plain truth that Judge Taney, whom he has hitherto unqualifiedly endorsed, has completely strangled his own popular sovereignty bantling.

[The Commonwealth, Frankfort, Kentucky, August 24, 1858]

THE CANVASS IN ILLINOIS

Whether viewed in reference to its political result upon the country at large, or in reference to the ability displayed by the respective candidates, the canvass now going on in Illinois between Judge Douglas and Hon. Abram Lincoln for the U. S. Senate is the canvass of the year 1858. Lincoln is the Black Republican candidate, while Douglas is the candidate of the anti-Lecompton Democracy. The Buchanan Lecompton Democracy do not constitute more than a corporal's guard in Illinois, yet because the "Little Giant" dared, during the last session of Congress, to follow the dictates of his conscience-because he boldly and bitterly denounced the Kansas policy of Mr. Buchanan as a fraud upon the constitutional rights of the people of that Territory, and in violation of the fundamental principles of American freedom, the President, with his army of officeholders in Illinois, seemed determined to defeat him, if possible, even though that defeat will result in the election of a rampant

Black Republican to the U. S. Senate. It is openly declared by some of Buchanan's minions in Illinois that they are willing to pursue any course and vote in any way which will enable Lincoln to beat Douglas. The Lecompton organs of Kentucky seem to be perfectly unconcerned about the result, and many of them continue to pour out their abuse upon Douglas, and are aiding and abetting the Black Republican Lincoln.

[Cincinnati Commercial, August 25, 1858]

MEETING OF DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT OTTAWA

The first regular debate between Douglas and Lincoln in the course of the Illinois canvass took place on Saturday last at Ottawa.-About twelve thousand persons were present. Of course each party claimed decided victory. Lincoln personally had the advantage of Douglas in preserving his temper. But the Lincoln organs are more radically out of good humor than Douglas himself. Douglas said that when he was a school teacher, Lincoln was a grocery keeper. Lincoln, however, said that he never kept a grocery, but did once give his attention to a still house up at the head of a hollow. To the surprise of the spectators the honorable gentlemen got along without calling each other liars and getting into a scratch fight on the stand, but Douglas did nod his head when Lincoln asked him if he made a question of veracity between them.

The enemies of Senator Douglas are multiplying. Senator Trumbull has joined Lincoln in preaching a crusade against him. The Washington Union pursues him with extraordinary constancy of hate. Frank P. Blair and B. Gratz Brown, of St. Louis, have invaded Egypt to heap up the agony upon him, and to complete the circle of fire, the Louisville Journal, whose advice has been asked by the K. N.'s of Illinois, tells them to go for Lincoln, because Douglas had a few pleasant words to say to the Germans at Chicago the other day. Such a combination to crush out a single man has rarely been witnessed.

[The Union, Washington, D. C., August 26, 1858] DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN AT OTTAWA

The Chicago papers come to us filled with reports of the speeches of Senator Douglas and would-be-senator Lincoln, at the great meeting at Ottawa on the 21st inst. By an arrangement previously made, these representatives of their respective parties had agreed to hold seven

public discussions-this being the first. It is estimated that not less than twelve thousand persons were present; and we are told that "Ottawa was deluged in dust," while national flags, mottoes, and devices were visible in every direction. The friends of the respective speakers met them on their entrance into the city, and two processions were formed, each of which is represented as having been nearly a mile in length. The debate was opened by Mr. Douglas, who spoke an hour; Mr. Lincoln occupied an hour and-a-half in his reply, and Mr. D. made a closing speech of half an hour. As might be expected, the victory in this discussion is claimed on both sides. The Chicago Press has a heading "A Senator in a tight place," while the Times informs us that "Lincoln breaks down," &c. The Press states that at the close of the debate Mr. Lincoln "was seized by the multitude and borne off on their shoulders, in the centre of a crowd of five thousand shouting republicans, with a band of music in front." The Times, on the other hand, informs us that Lincoln "seemed to have been paralyzed. He stood upon the stage looking wildly at the people as they surrounded the triumphant Douglas, and with mouth wide open, he could not find a friend to say one word to him in his distress."

[New York Daily Tribune, August 26, 1858]

Perhaps no local contest in this country ever excited so general or so profound an interest as that now waging in Illinois, with Senator Douglas, the Federal Administration, and the Republican party headed by Messrs. Lincoln and Trumbull as the combatants.

As our readers are already aware, one of the features of this remarkable contest is a series of public meetings in different parts of the State, where Mr. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln successively address the peoplea mode of discussing political questions which might well be more generally adopted. The first of these meetings was held at Ottawa on Saturday, the 21st inst, and we publish on another page a full report of the speeches on both sides.

But it is not merely as a passage at arms between two eminent masters of the art of intellectual attack and defense that this discussion is worthy of study. It touches some of the most vital principles of our political system, and no man can carefully peruse it without some benefit, whatever his convictions as to the questions at issue between the disputants.