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cess was not very flattering. There were only about 1200 persons in attendance, showing less enthusiasm on the part of the friends of Douglas than might have been expected. About one half of these were Douglas men, one fourth Buchananites, and the remainder Republicans. Mr. Douglas' speech was not marked by his usual ability, and his delivery was very bad, while Lincoln's speech was said to have been the best he had delivered. Union county promises to give the Republican ticket three or four hundred votes, which is more than the Fremont and Fillmore vote combined in 1856.

[Gate City, Keokuk, Iowa, September 29, 1858]

NOT EXACTLY

Douglas said that he was going to bring "Old Abe" "to his milk" down in Egypt. The report of their speeches has gone abroad to the world and the Louisville Journal speaks thus of the remarks of Lincoln:

"Let no one omit to read them. They are searching, scathing, stunning. They belong to what some one has graphically styled the tomahawking species."

CHAPTER VIII

THE CHARLESTON DEBATE

[The Indiana Journal, Indianapolis, September 1858]

The Messenger of the American Express Company who came over the Terre Haute and Alton Road yesterday furnishes us with the following memoranda of the movements of Lincoln and Douglas in Illinois:

Sept. 15, 1858

EDITOR JOURNAL: Hon. Abraham Lincoln is at Mattoon today. Douglas is to be there tonight. Tomorrow they speak at Charleston. Each is to be accompanied by processions from Mattoon, taking different routes. There is considerable excitement to see which one has the largest turnout. The "Bowling Green Band" from Terre Haute is employed by the friends of Lincoln to head their procession.

FOURTH JOINT DEBATE
Charleston, September 18, 1858

Mr. Lincoln's Speech

Mr. Lincoln took the stand at a quarter before three, and was greeted with vociferous and protracted applause; after which, he said:

Ladies and Gentlemen: It will be very difficult for an audience so large as this to hear distinctly what a speaker says, and consequently it is important that as profound silence be preserved as possible.

While I was at the hotel to-day, an elderly gentleman called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing a perfect equality between the negroes and white people. [Great laughter.] While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me, I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races; [applause] that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say, in addition to this, that there is a physical

difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.

my

I say upon this occasion: I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. [Cheers and laughter.] My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be entirely satisfied of its correctness, and that is the case of Judge Douglas's old friend Colonel Richard M. Johnson. [Laughter and cheers.]

I will also add to the remarks1 I have made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject), that I have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes if there was no law to keep them from it; [laughter] but as Judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, [roars of laughter] I give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the law of this State, which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes. [Continued laughter and applause.] I will add one further word, which is this: that I do not understand that there is any place where an alteration of the social and political relations of the negro and the white man can be made,3 except in the State Legislature,—not in the Congress of the United States; and as I do not really apprehend the approach of any such thing myself, and as Judge Douglas seems to be in constant horror that some such danger is rapidly approaching, I propose as the best means to prevent it that the Judge be kept at home, and placed in the State Legislature to

Inserts, "few" before "remarks."

Omits "that."

Reads: "changed" for "made."

[graphic]

CHARLESTON, ILLINOIS, FAIR GROUNDS

Where the Charleston Debate was held

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