CHAPTER XXIII. Sir Francis D'Ivernois on Fate of Switzerland-R. King to Secretary of State -Publication of Envoys' Dispatches-France will not declare War, may release Vessels-Irish Troubles-Emperor of Russia will help EnglandR. King's Dissatisfaction with English diplomatic Ways-Letter to Genl. Hamilton-Consul Bosc on Slavery in S. Carolina-West India trade Orders -R. Troup-Warlike Tone against France in the U. States-Capture of Vessels in West Indies-T. Pickering on the Envoys-R. King to Secretary of State-Irish Rebellion and probable Emigration-Talleyrand's Duplicity with Envoys-R. Troup-Warlike Measures against France-John Adams will not disgrace the Country-Recall of Mr. Gerry-SedgwickMeasures adopted not strong enough-American Politics-Cabot believes England with the U. S. can command the Ocean. R. KING TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. DEAR SIR: LONDON, June 6, 1798. The fate of Switzerland is an instructive lesson to America. The Newspaper Reports of the ruin of that brave and innocent People are so detached and imperfect, that I thought it would be useful to obtain a connected and plain account of this afflicting Event. I explained my wishes to Sir Francis D'Ivernois, who immediately prepared the Letter, a translation of which I have the honor to send you. This Letter is addressed to you, and the original will be forwarded by the next opportunity. Sir Francis desires that it may be understood that he can have no objection to the Publication of it with his name or in any other way that you shall judge best calculated to promote the welfare of our Country. With perfect Respect & Attachment, &c. &c. RUFUS KING. R. KING TO SECRETARY OF STATE. DEAR SIR: No. 75. LONDON, June 6, 1798. The President's Message of the 5th of April and the Instructions and Despatches of the Envoys were published here on the 15th of May, and immediately afterwards translated into French and thro' a variety of channels sent into France. We have the Paris papers to the 30th of May, which are entirely silent upon the affairs of the United States, and private letters give us no information respecting either Genl. Pinckney or Mr. Gerry. The Government vessel despatched with a letter of Recall to the Envoys arrived at Havre on the 11th of May. I have heard by the way of Holland that about the 14th of May, Mr. Gerry informed some of our Countrymen at Paris that Talleyrand had told him that the Directory would soon enter upon the affairs of the United States, and that he (Mr. G.) thought it probable that the Directory could now consent to terms that we could with honor and advantage accept. From the same quarter I have been informed that two American Vessels have lately been released in some of the Tribunals of France; and I can readily believe both accounts. Many persons here who applaud and admire the conduct of our Government towards France (and it has the singular good fortune to be approved by all parties) have supposed that the Directory would declare war against us. As this would not increase, but probably diminish, the plunder that she commits upon our commerce, and as it would moreover shut up the mouths of her Partizans and compel them even to unite against her, instead of a declaration of war, she will, in my opinion, release some of our ships, appear to recede from some of her demands, and send you a soothing and insidious message by Mr. Gerry, who, in vindication of his own conduct, must appear to believe the sincerity of that of France. In Ireland, which I still continue to believe to be the object of the Toulon Expedition, the Rebellion is not yet overcome. Many partial engagements have taken place between the Loyal troops and the Rebels, which have in almost every instance ended in the overthrow of the latter. . . . There is great reason to believe that the Irish Malcontents expected the descent of the French to have taken place about the 22d of May, and that the insurrec tions which broke out in different places at that period are to be accounted for by this expectation. The Rebels are either without arms or very badly armed, and are therefore easily overcome by the royal Troops. The prematurity of the Insurrection has given to the Government a very great advantage, and should the descent hereafter be made, the danger will be greatly diminished by the recent overthrow of the Rebels. Though some doubts are entertained respecting the authenticity of the Manifesto that has been published in the Newspapers, in which the Emperor (of Russia) says he will immediately equip 22 Ships of the line and 250 Gallies in defence of the freedom of the Trade of the North of Europe, it is certain that he has recently expressed to England a fixed Resolution to assist her as far as possible in the war against France; that his Ambassador at Vienna has likewise urged the Emperor to make the requisite remittances to England to fulfil his pecuniary engagements there, and that according to all appearances he is zealously endeavouring to persuade Austria and Prussia to unite with Russia and England in a new league for the safety of Europe. Notwithstanding the mysterious Policy of Vienna, it is believed that this Court is not blind to its proper interest and that with the Court of Petersburgh it is inclined to form a new Coalition against France, which is prevented only by the persevering repugnance of Prussia.* With perfect Respect & Esteem, &c. MY DEAR SIR : R. KING TO A. HAMILTON.t RUFUS KING. LONDON, June 6th, 1798. We have certain intelligence that the Toulon fleet has sailed. The number of troops, of transports and of men of war are variously stated, but it is known that Bonaparte commands, and that the fleet is a very great one. Its destination is the subject of inquietude and of conjecture. A few days will bring us more per * Italics in cipher. Works of Hamilton, vi., 298. VOL. 11.-22 fect accounts, and from the force and position of the British fleet under Lord Vincent, the public are in daily, not to say hourly, expectation of hearing that he has discovered and destroyed this boasted armada. If Ireland is the object, the insurrection has been ill-judged and premature. In almost every instance, the insurgents have been dispersed, and the quarter round Dublin is now restored to the king's peace. Still however, if a moderate French force, with a supply of arms, could now be thrown into Ireland, the issue would be dubious, so deep and general is the desertion. Great Britain is unquestionably in a better and more secure, as well as more united state, than she has been since the commencement of the war. With her the question with France is at issue, and so far as regards Europe, upon her alone must it essentially depend. For upon the continent, French principles and French influence seem still to extend themselves in every direction, Though it is more than a fortnight since the publication of the instructions and dispatches of our Envoys must have been received in Paris, neither their papers, nor letters from France take any notice of them. Gerry is still there, but about to return home, and, if I mistake not, will be the bearer of a soothing and treacherous message from the Directory. Be upon your guard. France will not declare war against us. No. Her policy will be to pursue the same course she already has done and which has served her purpose in Italy and among the honest, but devoted and ruined Swiss. I will say, that, if after all that has occurred among ourselves and in other countries, we are content to be duped, and cajoled, and betrayed, we shall deserve the fate which they are preparing for us. It is a disappointment to me that I am not able to inform you that anything is yet arranged concerning the Question before the Commissioners. Their business is now actually at a stand. I continue to press Lord Grenville upon the subject and he renews to me a sincere desire that measures may be fallen upon to expedite the Decisions of their Courts and in this way to avoid the Question concerning the Powers of the Commissioners. . . . I have hitherto forborne, from motives that you will be at no loss to conjecture, to express to you the dissatisfaction and even the disgust that I often experience in our intercourse and connection with this Government. The indifference, the procrastination and in short the exclusive principles by which they consider almost every question that is brought before them, should admonish us, as it has done every other Nation, to depend upon ourselves as much, and upon others as little as possible. With these sentiments (which the experience of my residence here has contributed very much to confirm) you will conclude that I have been much gratified with the political views developed in your No. 7. ; and in correspondence with them, I have always carefully avoided, particularly upon the Subject of Convoys, to ask anything which could be considered as a mere favor solicited by us and gratuitously conferred by them. I will resume this subject when I give you an account of the answers that I shall receive from Lord Grenville respecting certain parts of your No. 7. Annexed are copies of two intercepted letters from the French Consul at Charleston. With perfect Respect & Esteem, &c. RUFUS KING. The two letters from which extracts are given below are interesting in many respects, as showing the feeling in Charleston towards the French Republic at the time, and as foreshadowing some of its plans. A large portion of each is of a merely personal character and is therefore omitted here. M. Bosc, in the confidence of friendship with his correspondent, exposes his unwillingness to go to Wilmington, whose commerce is of no value, and then speaks of a desire to be transferred to some other post, which would be more acceptable in every sense. He says, referring to two letters previously written: * Italics in cipher. |