unpopular, & every day furnishes new evidence that the old friends of order are re-uniting even at Boston.

It was observed here that your Jacobins were prudent to endeavour to knock out Hamilton's brains to reduce him to an equality with themselves; but I trembled at the first account which was related of that adventure & offer'd up an unfeigned prayer for his safety. I mean the silent prayer of an affectionate

MY DEAR SIR: BROOKLINE, Aug. 4, 1795. The uncertainty you mention respecting the ratification of the Treaty by the President, renews my anxiety for the welfare of our Country. Altho' I have entertained some fears that the business was delayed, yet as no objections from the President had ever come to my knowledge, my hopes greatly preponderated. I shall seize this moment, while the proceeding of the President is unknown, to suggest to the Boston merchants the propriety of a manly declaration of their sentiments, but altho' I have reason to believe that the Treaty is now generally approved by them, yet so many of them had indiscreetly censured it, that it is doubtful how far they will incline formally to express their present opinions.

* The allusions in these letters are to the public meetings held at first in Boston to denounce the treaty and to endeavor to influence the President to refuse his consent to the ratification, which the Senate had advised. The paragraph in Mr. Cabot's letter refers to a meeting called in New York by the enemies of the treaty to express their utter abhorrence of it. But its friends decided to attend the meeting that they might show that in the city other views, more representative of its sentiments, were held. At this meeting, Hamilton advised an adjournment, rather than that a hasty decision should be made, and the meeting became so disorderly that the friends of the treaty withdrew, but not before Hamilton had been struck in the head, but without serious injury, by a stone thrown from the excited crowd. In Philadelphia, Charleston, and other places also, meetings were held in which violent denunciations of the treaty were made to influence the action of the President. But all were ineffectual, for on August 14th the President after careful consideration signed it.

Pride is a powerful enemy in this case & combined with the natural reluctance which men feel at combating popular prejudices, may not be easily overcome; but be this as it may, you may be fully assured that the most respectable part of our community have become the advocates of the Treaty & are extending the opinion of its propriety every moment. I am told that the only article which is now unsatisfactory to any of the Federalists here is the 10th; which shows, I think, that they are hard pressed by their friends. Indeed it will not surprise me to find the Senate blamed for not accepting the entire instrument by some men who have lately censured every part. Such is the versatility of opinion. Although we have neither a Curtius nor a Camillus, yet the explanation given by Gore in the newspaper & those circulated by others in private conversations have so well aided the investigation of individuals, that the subject is pretty well understood and its friends increased in a corresponding degree. I am however very glad to see the systematic & able defence setting up in your city & shall take measures to extend its operation in this quarter.

I have too much respect for the character of the President to believe that he can be deterr'd from his duty by the clamor or menaces of these city-mobs, but still I agree with you, that their doings shou'd be counteracted by the good people, lest it shou'd be imagined that all are alike infected with the rage of disorganization.

Your sincere friend,

G. CABOT.

C. GORE TO R. KING.

BOSTON, 7 August, 1795.

MY DEAR SIR :

A letter from Mr. Cabot to Mr. Higginson the day before yesterday informs that it is uncertain, whether the treaty is yet ratified. A few days past, I felt satisfied that things were coming right, that reason and reflection were assuming the lead and that we should very soon have a just idea of the treaty, and return to our old good humor with the government and with each other. The signers to the protest amount to more than 200, and include

almost every man of property and reputation; and a great many who had expressed themselves with warmth on the subject of the treaty-some of the most bitter opponents,-had given up clamoring, avoided all conversation on the business and very publickly declared that if signed by the President, which they considered the fact, it ought to be submitted to, like other laws, and wou'd meet their cordial support. But shou'd it be generally known that the instrument is not yet ratified, that, with the furious heat of Charlestown, wou'd bring back all our fire. It would be felt that the President was taking part with a mob against his own government. Our opponents wou'd naturally reason, that if a little tumult produced such a delay, a more violent opposition wou'd be completely successful.

A chamber of commerce is called to meet this evening. It is expected the meeting will be large; and the resolutions to be submitted approve in positive terms of the treaty. There is great reason to hope they will be adopted with unanimity. Pains are taking to induce Salem and Newburyport to express favorable sentiments of the treaty. Mr. Cabot is at the latter place, and will undoubtedly take every step to promote such measures. But after all, my friend, every thing depends on an idea that the President has ratified it, and no measures ought to be left unessayed to have the ratification compleat and dispatch'd to Europe immediately. That done, and publickly known to have been done, would place us again in quiet.

Yours affectionately,

C. GORE.

C. GORE TO R. KING.

MY DEAR SIR:

WALTHAM, 14th August, 1795.

The paragraph in Webster's paper relative to the state of the treaty has given me inexplicable pain. Whether strictly right according to the rules of proceeding in such cases I cannot say ; but taking it on ground the least objectionable, there is an expence of time in making the negotiation prior to the President's signature, that may in itself be injurious. Tho' this is but of small consequence compared to the evils that result from the continued

and increased ferment which this delay produces. The evils are incalculable, unless we can calculate all the evils of a compleat prostration of government, and of the unlimited and unrivalled power of the most malignant and licentious faction. The friends of government are disheartened and discouraged. They feel the humiliation of continual warfare for an administration which supports its opponents and disgraces its friends. This is the observation of the most respectable and steady advocates of order in Boston.

The many sober, but unreflecting, men who first joined with the opponents were endeavoring to return to their old friends they had been ensnared; they saw it, but many had not magnanimity enough to declare their conviction, without some good apology. They said if the President had ratified the treaty, there was an end of all opposition; and you may be assured, that their zealous support of it as a law of the land, would in some degree have compensated for their former error. They now think, as the President has delay'd to ratify it (for whatever may be the motive of the Executive, it will be attributed either to dislike of the instrument, or the influence of the opponents), that their first start was right, that they were lucky in their opposition, and will now steadily adhere to their friends. Of all the critical situations in which the government has been placed, this is the most extreme. Prejudice against the English, love for the French, a false idea of our own strength and of that of Britain; the character of the opponents in Charlestown, especially if Rutledge is appointed Chief Justice, together with the conclusions that will be drawn from the President's conduct, will require more strength and influence to oppose, than can be expected from the few firm friends to order which may be found in Massachusetts. I know of but one step that can arrest this mania, that affords any hope of supporting the government. An address from the President to the people of the United States, stating that he had ratified the treaty, or done what amounted to a ratification, provided G. B. acceded to the suspension as recommended by the Senate. This would allay the heat, unite the moderate men and those who are generally neuters till questions are decided, and it would afford support to those who fight the battles of the government, in the distant parts of the

continent. It appears to me that this alone will save us from the most distressing convulsions. The events of Europe may humble the French influence here; but at the same time, they would raise the pride of Britain, and if our Executive shews itself operated on by them, it is not unnatural she should then say, you have made your choice, and are welcome to abide by it-we will remain Yours affectionately,

as we are.

C. GORE.

Is it not possible for Col. Hamilton and yourself to induce the President to adopt some measure that would decidedly express his sentiments in favor of the treaty? Be assured that in New England the word of the President would save the Govt.; without it you may despair.

DEAR SIR:

G. CABOT TO R. KING.

BROOKLINE, Aug. 14, 1795.

Since my last I have been at Newburyport, where the merchants are perfectly well united and have by this time probably made a formal declaration of their opinion. I understand that the only point on which they differ'd was the expediency of giving to the negotiator personal praise, & this was omitted entirely on the ground of avoiding present irritation.

The Boston Chamber of Commerce have held a meeting; the number attending was as usual about 40; they were of the most respectable class, & with only a single dissentient approbated the Treaty & reprobated the attempts everywhere made to excite discontent and tumult among the People. Their proceedings, as well as those of Newburyport, are to be transmitted to the President. At Boston the members of the Chamber of Commerce who did not attend are to be invited to concur in writing & it is expected that, including 18 of the real respectability will concur.

At Salem Mr. Derby, Gray & some others having consulted, declare it to be their opinion that of their town wou'd vote to leave the business where the Constitution has placed it; but they think it not best to make any movement,-because, they say, as no op