concluded a treaty of peace with Tripoli, and it is probable we shall soon make a similar one with Tunis. The Dey of Algiers having invaded the Tunissean territory-principally, says Col. Humphries, to compel the Bey to conclude a peace with the United States of America, for the accomplishment of which the Dey offers to advance the money from his own treasury, and engages to guarantee this treaty as he has done that with Tripoli. Strange event.

CHAPTER XII.

Sedgwick's Letter on the presidential Election and Inauguration-Cabot on Relations with France-King to Dr. Southgate-Private Affairs-To Hamilton on new French Arrêt-Affair of the Olive Branch-Wm. Smith's Letter on French Depredations-Pinckney's Despatches Relative to Conduct of the French Causes the President to call a special Meeting of Congress-General Statement of American Affairs-Hamilton's View of the Duty of the Country.

THEODORE SEDGWICK TO R. KING, LONDON.

STOCKBRIDGE, 12th March, 1797.

DEAR SIR:

The scenes which have passed here, since you left the country, to every man who is interested in its welfare, have been highly important. The retirement of Genl. Washington from the Presidency, and the subsequent election have produced an ardor far exceeding all former experience. Men of a character the most congenial to your own, and in whom I believe you have the most confidence, thought that in our critical situation the object of most importance was to exclude the Virginia Philosopher from the chair, endeavored, as they might, to exclude him by impressing their own sentiments on the electors and inducing them to vote homogeneously from the Delaware eastward for Pinckney & Adams. Had those views, and in them I concurred, prevailed, the former would have been President and the latter continued in his former station. What effects that arrangement would have produced can now only be a subject of conjecture. The attempt however has afforded abundant matter for jacobinical intrigue. The first display of this was a letter from Mr. Jefferson to his friend Madison, which was disclosed, in confidence, within one or two days after the event of the election was certainly known. In the letter the writer states that he may be placed in three situa

tions in relation to this subject. The first, and that which would be most grateful to himself, that he may not be elected to, or a candidate for either of the offices of Prest. or Vice Prest. ; the t.; second, that he may be the competitor of Mr. Adams, & the competition to be decided by the H. of Representatives, in which case he earnestly requests that his own pretensions may be withdrawn in favor of the preferable ones of his rival; and the third, (which he most dreads) that he may be elected President. Concurring in this system of insidious deception, the faction have been industrious in declaring that it was evidently the intention of Hamilton & his party (so when speaking on this subject they denominated the friends of the Government) that Mr. Pinckney should be elected as President, because him they believed they could govern, and Mr. Adams they knew they could not. You will perceive that Mr. Jefferson is profering the same objects in his speech to the Senate, when he took his seat as Vice Prest. It is really to be regretted that these Ideas had not occurred to the " Friend of the People" a few weeks sooner; he might then have spared the good man, whom he so highly reveres, much unmerited abuse, and his friends much painful anxiety.

The late session has been one of the most unpleasant which I have known. Our friends in the House, knowing their adversaries to be a majority, have despaired of effecting any public good, and have, therefore, permitted the Session to pass without one generous effort. The same impression as to the character of the House, has given the same apprehension of indolent inactivity to the Senate.

Two objects of importance present themselves, the one, an improvement of revenue, and the other, giving to the executive the means of checking the depredations on our commerce. An increase of revenue I do not believe to be immediately necessary to discharge existing demands. It was however most certainly desirable in our critical situation. In this all parties were agreed. but as to the means, there was not a majority for anything except a paltry increase of imposts, which will produce, probably between 2 & 300,000 dols.—a sum less than the diminution by French robbery. To check the insolent oppression of the french the most obvious, and I believe the most effectual measure which could have been adopted, would have been to have authorized the

President to lay an Embargo, either general or special. There was little hope such a measure would have passed the House, but its friends entertained no doubt of its success in the Senate; but to our astonishment the Bill was lost on the final question by an equivote. Several gentlemen, who did not take the trouble, previously, to explain themselves, afterwards declared that they voted against the Bill, because they thought it would place the President in too delicate a situation, for he having been charged with improper prejudices for the british and against the french; it would be said that he had been influenced by partiality to adopt a measure, which in its effects would benefit the former and injure the latter.

The circumstance of a new administration would of itself in some degree tend to check the virulence of faction. This will be the more encreased by the attempt which is manifestly made to seduce the President, by impressing him with a belief that he has been deserted by his friends. This attempt, I trust, will be ineffectual. At all events, while they are making their efforts, they will suspend all personal attacks.

In the newly elected house of Reps. we flatter ourselves that there is a majority of good men-friends of national liberty, of their country and of its government. It is, however, if at all a majority, a small one. If our expectations are not disappointed, the next session will be a very important and I hope a productive one; much remains, respecting our internal police, to be done, to give to the government the best chance of success. I have been long convinced that even on the principles of our federal Union, much more might be done than has even yet been attempted. This will possibly induce me once more to sacrifice my quiet and happiness by attending another session of Congress.

There is much distress, in this state, among the adventurers in the Georgia Speculation. A committee of Senate have made an elaborate report, which had not been printed when I left Philadelphia, which is well founded, and, whether it be so or not I am ignorant, will show that Georgia is restricted within much narrower limits than I had supposed.

The inauguration of the President was a scene the most august and sublime I ever beheld. Mr. Adams behaved with

dignity. The company was numerous, respectable, and behaved with that decent gravity which the solemn occasion demanded; but the circumstance the most interesting was the presence of the late President. He came unattended and on foot, with the modest appearance of a private citizen. No sooner was his person seen, than a burst of applause such as I had never before known, and which it would be as impossible for me to describe, as my own sensations produced by it, saluted the venerable Hero and Patriot, while the animation of countenance which accompanied it gave the most pleasing, as well as the most convincing evidence, that all the lies which malice has invented, have been ineffectual to injure the character of this great and good man. I am, dear Sir, most sincerely & affectionately

Your friend,

DEAR SIR:

THEODORE SEDGWICK.

R. KING TO R. SOUTHGATE, ESQ.

LONDON, March 17, 1797.

I am reluctant in saying anything more respecting Emery's claim,* having so often troubled you with the expressions of my concern upon that subject, but having heard that Emery has been recently baffled in an attempt to procure a legal decision in his case; I feel that I do him an injustice in suffering the circumstance of my absence to deprive him of the exercise of a perfect Right that he has to demand a judicial Examination of his Claim. I have therefore authorized Cyrus [R. K.'s brother and secretary] who is returning home to consent to a suit against me, in case you

* In a letter dated Jany. 14, 1794, S. Emery had written to R. K. :

.

"

"I have endeavoured to settle the matter respecting the farm at Scarborough which you sold my father with Dr. Southgate till I am quite tired out; he will not settle upon any principle which I think just therefore I am obliged to write to you or take what he pleases to give. Enclosing this letter to Dr. Southgate, R. King writes, Jany. 27, 1794: "... I had hoped that by some arrangement convenient to all branches of the family, the Heirs of Mr. Emery had been satisfied. It will remain with you to do what is proper on this Subject. I have written to Mr. Emery in my answer to his letter that the claim will not be denied and that you will do all that justice which I sincerely desire should be afforded.