LIBRARIES CONTENTS Dr. Harrop A. Freeman, dean, department of international law, Rev. Edward V. Stanford, chairman, committee on public relations, college and university department, National Catholic Educational Hon. Arthur Capper, United States Senator from the State of Kansas. Mr. William G. Carr, secretary, the Educational Policies Commission The executive committee, National Education Association------ III INTERNATIONAL ABOLITION OF CONSCRIPTION WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1946 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON MILITARY AFFAIRS, Washington, D. C. The committee met at 10:30 a. m., Hon. Andrew J. May (chairman) presiding. The CHAIRMAN. The committee will please be in order. Gentlemen, we are opening hearings this morning on House Resolution 325, introduced by Representative Martin, minority leader of the House of Representatives, on the 17th day of July 1945. (The resolution is as follows:) [H. Res. 325, 79th Cong., 1st sess.] RESOLUTION Whereas the first concern of every American is the security of the Nation; and Whereas the American people are determined that their Government shall henceforth make proper provision for the continuous maintenance of such security; and Whereas, in accordance with this firm determination, it has become necessary to consider a system of compulsory military service in the United States as a permanent part of our insurance against unpreparedness in the event of sudden war; and Whereas compulsory military service would result in greater restrictions over the lives and activities of our people, would impose heavy burdens on them, causing greater taxes and profound changes in their way of life; and Whereas compulsory military service has long been customary in many European states and elsewhere, but has been contrary to American tradition since the founding of our republic; and Whereas compulsory military service has never prevented war in Europe or elsewhere but, on the contrary, causes suspicion and fears to grow between nations and inclines the rulers of men to war rather than to peace; and Whereas fifty nations, having expressed their desire for peace, met at San Francisco and resolved to make greater efforts than ever before to abate the fear and likelihood of war in the years to come; and Whereas the people of the United States and their leaders in all sections and parties have in good faith approved the San Francisco Charter and desire our President to take a leading part in fulfilling the great purpose for which it was formed; and Whereas with the ultimate destruction of the military power of Germany and Japan there will never be a better time than now to secure international agreement looking to permanent peace; and Whereas an agreement between the nations of the world to eliminate systems of compulsory military service would itself be greatly conducive to that restoration of peace which is so profoundly desired by all the plain peoples of the world, and would release their energies and resources for rebuilding their war devastated countries; and Whereas world-wide abolition of compulsory military service in no way precludes the maintenance of national or international military forces adequate for safeguarding national or collective security: Therefore be it 1 Resolved, That before the United States adopts compulsory military service, the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and the personal representative of the President of the United States on the United Nations Organization, Edward R. Stettinius, Junior, be, and hereby are, urged to work unceasingly for an immediate international agreement whereby compulsory military service shall be wholly eliminated from the policies and practices of all nations. The CHAIRMAN. This committee, of course, has been unfortunate in having a docket such that we have been unable to reach this matter until this time, but we are glad to have Representative Martin with us this morning as our first witness. He has a prepared statement, and I will ask him to present that, and at the end of its presentation if the members of the committee wish to interrogate Mr. Martin they will have that opportunity. STATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR., A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS Mr. MARTIN of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank you and the members of the Military Affairs Committee for the opportunity to appear before you. You have called me here at a time of mounting world tension. The great powers are so bristling with armaments and armies that the slightest difference of opinion gives rise to fears of war. The world will never be sure of peace until we have reduced armies and military establishments to a reasonable level. I propose that the most simple and logical step in that direction is to work for the abolition of compulsory military service. It is a step which would cost no nation a single dollar, but on the contrary would reduce every nation's burden. The machinery already exists in the United Nations Organization to put this suggestion into effect, and it the responsibility of the United States to make this machinery work. To those who say this proposal is impractical, I say you will not know how practical it is until you try it, and the least it can do is to test the good faith of the world powers. American foreign policy never should be a partisan issue. Let me here and now express my confidence that Republicans will support any reasonable foreign policy based on tolerance, justice, humanity, enlightened self-interest, and friendship toward all nations. The objective of achieving world peace is not the exclusive property either of Republicans or Democrats. It is a problem which concerns all Americans. I wish to make it clear that my purpose in making this proposal is to provide a basic principle on which we can unite as Americans and thus revitalize the leadership of this nation and broaden its influence for world peace. I, also, wish to make mayself clear on the subject of the national defense. I propose that while maintaining a strong national defense, we negotiate at the same time for the renouncement of compulsory military service and the eventual reduction of armaments. You will note I have included reduction of armaments. I do so because it may now appear advisable to the committee to broaden the scope of my original resolution which referred to compulsory military service only. It is imperative, Mr. Chairman, that Republicans and Democrats unite to work for a clear definition of foreign policy. The American people are suffering from war nerves. Yet their apprehensions come not so much from fear for their own personal safety as from fear that American leadership will be inadequate. The leaders of this Nation must rise to the greatness of the American people. They must not follow a policy of appeasement; they must not permit America or the world to drift; they must not abdicate from America's position of high moral responsibility and practical influence in world affairs. This is a time for dedicated service. This is a time for loyalty to America's high principles. We are a nation of God-fearing people who like neither militarism nor power politics. We are neither cowards, nor bullies. We are a people who abominate war, yet will stand firm for our rights and our principles and will yield to no one or to no nation the power to dictate to us how to manage our own affairs. By the same token we do not wish to interfere with the internal affairs of others. We like to look upon others with the tolerance we expect from them. Nevertheless, we see in the possibility of another war a threat not only to ourselves but to all humanity. We see that the interests of the whole human race, just as a matter of ordinary common sense, call for the avoidance of war. We are not so cowardly, nor so hysterical that we will permit others to play upon our desire to avoid war and so induce us to betray our highest principles. We will not yield to every pressure and every threat. We seek friendship and cooperation from all other nations in the cause of peace. That friendship and that cooperation must be based on mutual respect. We are not so foolish as to throw away all our weapons and leave ourselves defenseless in these uncertain times; but we are not so ruthless as to turn this nation into a menacing militaristic state ready to ride rough-shod over the world. We are not so blind we do not see the disorder, the implicit violence, the forces of desperation and unrest which are at work in this postwar world. Yet we are confident in our strength and we believe we can use that strength with firmness, kindness, and tolerance to influence the nations and the peoples of the world to discard the psychology of war and turn back to the ways of peace. Certainly the prospect of horror and destruction in modern war is so great as to justify any efforts we can conscientiously make to restore the world to order. Now, how can America best use her strength to accomplish this purpose? Obviously the very first requirement is to establish a clear, definite, dynamic foreign policy. We must, also, clearly state all our foreign commitments. This policy and these commitments must be laid before the whole people and receive their endorsement. If this policy and these commitments do not have the full support of the American people, then our representatives in international councils cannot speak with the full authority and influence of this great Nation. American diplomacy then will inevitably degenerate from the level of statesmanship to the level of political or secret maneuver. The result can only be appeasement, uncertainty, the loss of American moral influence, and the certainty we will drift toward another war. |