our supporters in the House. Our majority, though a large one, is composed of men who think, or at least act so much for themselves, that we are hardly sure from day to day what impression they may receive. We have worked them up to carry us through this undertaking in its present shape, but we have had awkwardness enough already in many parts of the discussion." This important communication is dated May 21, 1785. We may be well pleased that the Duke omitted to comply with the postscript: "Be so good as to destroy this letter when you have read and considered it."

Notwithstanding the jealous spirit which compelled these changes, there remained enough of the first proposal to render it, as all parties have since owned, a boon of great value to the sister country. But in the very same proportion as it grew palatable to the English, it lost ground in the Irish House of Commons. Indeed during the last debates on this side of the Channel, and after the trials of party strength, Fox had entirely shifted his ground against the scheme. He had ceased to hope for its defeat in London, and he had begun to hope for its defeat in Dublin. With this view the measure was no longer in his eyes one of undue favour to Ireland; it was a signal breach of her newly granted legislative independence. "I will not," thus the great orator concluded, "I will not barter English commerce for Irish slavery; that is not the price I would pay, nor is this the thing I would purchase."4

Expressions of this kind found a ready echo across the Channel. When towards midsummer the Bill, as

4 Parl. Hist. vol. xxv. p. 778.

finally passed in England, came to Dublin, it was received with general disfavour. The Duke of Rutland and Mr. Orde found that they had most difficult cards to play. They had hoped for the aid of the leading patriot, the popular chief of 1782, who had supported the original Eleven Resolutions. But the changes made in them had wrought a corresponding change in him. "I have seen Mr. Grattan," writes the Lord Lieutenant on the 4th of July, "but found him impracticable." And again, on the 13th of August, when the measure was already before the Irish House of Commons: "The speech of Mr. Grattan (last night) was, I understand, a display of the most beautiful eloquence perhaps ever heard, but it was seditious and inflammatory to a degree hardly credible." Under such circumstances the result was soon apparent. Even on the mere preliminary motion that leave be given to bring in a Bill there was a fierce debate, continued till past nine in the morning, and "the Castle" could prevail by a majority of no more than nineteen. A victory of this kind was a sure presage of defeat in its further stages. The Bill was in consequence relinquished by the Government, to the great joy of the people. For so great was then the jealousy of their new legislative powers as entirely for the moment to absorb all other thoughts of national advantage. In Dublin there was even a general illumination to celebrate the withdrawal of the Bill.5

Thus did Ireland lose a most favourable opening for

5 On the reception in Ireland of | 295, ed. 1854; and also Plowden's the Irish Propositions see the Cor- History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 265, respondence of the Right Hon. ed. 1809. John Beresford, vol. i. p. 265

commercial freedom. Yet on other points her prospects had brightened. The restoration of peace with foreign States, and the restoration also of order in the finances, had begun to draw prosperity in their train. The attempts in the winter of 1784 and again in the spring of 1785 to hold a Congress of delegates in Dublin had been encountered with firmness by the Government, and had signally failed. In like manner the hostile factions had found themselves unable, as they wished, to prolong the power of the Volunteers in time of peace, and to turn them into a standing weapon against the State. The Volunteers still continued to exist; they had still the Earl of Charlemont for General-in-chief, and by him were yearly reviewed; but their numbers rapidly dwindled, and they became the mere shadow of a shade. Meanwhile the Duke of Rutland, as Lord Lieutenant, was gaining great personal popularity. Young, of noble aspect, and of princely fortune, he was generous, frank, and amiable, as became the son of the gallant Granby. Fond of pleasure, he held a court of much magnificence; and the succession of various entertainments that he gave, splendid they were in themselves, derived a further lustre from his Duchess, a daughter of the house of Beaufort, and one of the most beautiful women of her day. But besides and beyond his outward accomplishments, the confidential letters of the Duke to Pitt, all of which have been preserved, and some printed, show him to have possessed both ability and application in business. Perhaps had not his life so prematurely ended, his name might have deserved to stand as high in politics as does his father's in war.

6

To Pitt the failure of the Irish commercial measures was a deep disappointment, a bitter mortification. To them, to the framing or to the defence of their details, he had applied himself for almost a twelvemonth, and here was the result-the object of public good not attained, the jealousy of both nations stirred anew, and to himself for a time the decline of public favour, alike, though on exactly opposite grounds, in England and in Ireland. The journal of Wilberforce in the midst of the contest on this subject has this significant entry: "Pitt does not make friends." On the other hand, Fox, as the champion of high protective duties, enjoyed in many quarters the gleam of returning popularity. Being at Knowsley in the course of that autumn on a visit to Lord Derby, the two friends went together to Manchester, and were warmly welcomed by the great metropolis of manufactures. Here is Fox's own account of it: "Our reception at Manchester was the finest thing imaginable, and handsome in all respects. All the principal people came out to meet us, and attended us into the town with blue and buff cockades, and a procession as fine, and not unlike that upon my chairing in Westminster. We dined with one hundred and fifty people. . . The concourse of people to see us was immense, and I never saw more apparent unanimity than seemed to be in our favour." "

• Diary, dated March 10, 1785. 1785. See the Fox Memorials, vol. 7 Letter dated September 10, ❘ ii. p. 270.

CHAPTER VIII.

1785-1786.

Four-and-a-half Fund· Marriage of Pitt's sister, Lady Harriot Pitt purchases a Country Seat - Embarrassment of Lady Chatham's, and of Pitt's private affairs-The Rolliad - Captain Morris's Songs — Peter Pindar-Pitt's Irish Propositions - Contemplated Treaty of Commerce with France-Proposed Fortifications of Portsmouth and Plymouth Pitt's Sinking Fund Impeachment and Trial of

Warren Hastings - New Peers.

DURING the Session of 1785 Pitt was able to make, as he trusted, a satisfactory arrangement with respect to the Four-and-a-half Fund. The frequent arrears and defalcations of payment in the Pensions that were charged upon it were certainly not more inconvenient to the holders than they were discreditable to the Government. We find Pitt write as follows on the subject:

"MY DEAR MOTHER,

"Putney Heath, June 14, 1785.

"From a thousand circumstances I have been even longer than I thought possible in executing my intention of writing. Latterly I have delayed it till I could have the satisfaction of giving you positive accounts on the interesting and long depending subject of the grant. I have infinite pleasure in being at length able to tell you that it is settled in a way which is perfectly unexceptionable, and will, I think, answer every