unsupported when it was time for the swords to be out, and Essex was beheaded on a warrant signed by the Queen who had given him such a chance to rise as she had never given to another. She had done her best for him, but she could not save or spare him and retain her authority. Nobody could have opposed and saved him. His only answer to opposition was a blow-which in those days was not conducive to a long career. He was only thirty-three at his death. Elizabeth was then sixty-seven.

Essex had the traits that catch the crowd. Showy yet brave, gentle yet strong; with hands as delicate as a woman's, and yet the best of all England with the lance; a good writer of sonnets, a composer of masques, the friend of men of science of all lands, one of the foremost patrons of the drama and literature. Sir Thomas Bodley was one of his most intimate friends. Spenser prefixed to The Faery Queene a sonnet in his praise. Numberless books were dedicated to him. He was the last of the Knights of England.

He was not a fool.

It is interesting, and illuminative of Elizabeth's character, that Leicester, Hatton, and Essex, her chief men-friends, were all of one pattern-all of honourable birth, all leaders in society, all men of arms, all most highly educated, all writers, actors, patrons of the drama, and of every other branch of learning. To them may be added Ralegh and Blount. They had all the qualities of the first three, except that, while he was a great student, Blount alone never wrote.

All came with empty hands to Elizabeth, all rose to great and deserved positions in her Government. They all performed important services, and some of them great services to the lady who, while they were mere boys, saw what they were capable of doing for their country if they only had the opportunity.

That opportunity she supplied. In return they gave their entire lives to the service of the State and the nation.

England has repaid them with obloquy, and, because of them, repaid Elizabeth with the vilest insinuations that can be made against a woman.

natus fit /uber Davine, foluce co move
te vilton Deginc vt fit! muvitus.
Virtutes, propter animé ac corporis egregias of Haplophy

co more propter ortain and ting muvitus. Attamen propte

ONS

it ex and dri

levero

ita merito sno c.
charns est Regina, ut me patrem Germanu
plus amare possit, ex
gro, q'in Zevinam
Zevinam non
non ut par est, fincere
ment, sepenumero foleant! coitive, eum futurn maritu! Ego favors
vists et intelligo Icam folumode. ille diectări,
propter homes ti/simus,
honesti/simas /wgs ac
vavas virtutes, mihilq maxis exerceri in illorn collognings, gram good cn,
Virtute coherent, ac la, turpi amoris genere sit, aliems: et hot 400 bong
fick tibi ferido, ut quod veli sit per m2 ccupo intellious, (sica, to septive
et apull ones ubi res postulat ardacter a severane. Vale. & Seriembing 1564

Pras tuto remittas.

си

volo volo,

CHAPTER XI

THE QUEEN'S DEFENCE

E shall now put in for the defence such positive and circumstantial evidence as we consider conclusive. Of the latter class we shall have but little new to offer, as much of it has already

been considered in other connections.

Let us first weigh the attitude of Burghley, that most indefatigable of men, who knew all that was to be known of the happenings at Elizabeth's Court. He was not a man to be easily deceived. He was Elizabeth's principal minister for the most of the first decade of her reign, and for the following quarter of a century a counsellor upon whom she placed the most confident reliance.

What is the value of his opinion upon our inquiry? Is it as good as that of any subsequent or contemporary historian? Is it as good an opinion as can be obtained, and is it one upon which we are justified in placing absolute reliance? We are bound to record that we would believe Burghley on any matter of fact as against all other testimony; and upon a matter in which his opinion would not be palpably influenced by his too cautious nature-too cautious, we mean, for daring enterprises—we know of no man of his time in whose judgment so much confidence can be placed.

keaders will, probably, be surprised when they learn that Burghley bears witness as to this question on a number of occasions, for no historian has mentioned his testimony in a prominent manner, and usually it has been altogether missing from accounts of the Queen. No predecessor has printed the larger part of it.

1. Writing in his own hand-see the opposite facsimileupon the 8th of September, 1564, to Sir Christopher Mundt,

LL.D., long Elizabeth's political agent in Germany, Burghley uses these words in referring to the proposal that Elizabeth should marry the Austrian Archduke Charles :

“I . . . can write nothing more certain than what I myself perceive, that she would rather marry some foreign Prince than a native one and that the more distinguished and illustrious in family, power, and person the suitor is, the more sure will be his hopes of winning her. Nevertheless I cannot deny that that noble of our own concerning whom there is no inconsiderable expectation amongst us, Lord Robert forsooth, is worthy of such honour that he may deservedly be husband of the Queen; but this is his sole impediment, that he is by birth the Queen's subject, and only for that reason alone does he seem to the Queen as not worthy to be her husband. Yet on account of his virtues, on account of his eminent endowments of mind and body he is so dear to the Queen by reason of his merits that she could not love a real brother more. And from this, they who do not know the Queen as she really is are often wont to conclude too hastily that he will be her husband. But I see and understand that she only takes pleasure in him on account of his most excellent and rare qualities, and that there is nothing more in their relations than that which is consistent with virtue, and most foreign to the baser sort of love. And this I write to you in good faith so that you may surely understand from me what the truth is; and this I wish you to believe and to assert boldly amongst all when the occasions demands it. Farewell, 8 Sept., 1564.

"Your most loving

"G. CECILIUS.

"To the most renowned Lord Christopher, etc., the Queen of England's most trusty agent, etc.

'I beg you to send me back this letter safely, and so do me a favour."*

* MSS. at Hatfield House, 154,86, the original letter, all in Cecil's hand, including the endorsement " 8 Sept. 1564 W. Cecill. Chrof. Motin." with seal" W. C." and device.

Accompanying the original letter is a copy of it, also entirely in Cecil's hand, including an endorsement. The two MSS. agree, except in respect to the postscriptum, the endorsement, and use of seal. In the original the postscript is I beg you to send me back this letter safely and so do me a favour." In the copy, the postscript reads "Please hand the enclosed letter as quickly as you can to mr. Sturm. Please send back the letter to me for I am very anxious not to have published what I write in this affair." The endorsement reads "Copy of letter written to Mr. Mundt by order of the Queen, 8 Sept. 1564." There is no seal. The copy is Hat. MSS. 154/85.