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them favor, I devoutly believe, only if they rise to the clear heights of His own justice and mercy.

Point out the changes in American spirit that enabled President Wilson to omit any reference to the causes of the war or to the necessity for it.

Why was there need at the time this speech was delivered that President Wilson should reaffirm and make clear America's policy?

The most insidious form of opposition encountered by America in carrying on the war was peace propaganda. Explain this statement in detail.

What is the significance of President Wilson's wish to avoid interference with the internal affairs of Germany and her associates?

What advance toward democracy did President Wilson in this speech associate with racial aspirations?

Is it undemocratic for diverse races to unite in one nation? Which of the peace terms suggested by President Wilson in this speech were finally embodied in the treaty of peace?

Did President Wilson maintain that retaliation is contrary to the spirit of American democracy?

Dicuss generosity and justice as the two fundamental principles of peace. Had these been the basis of previous treaties of peace?

How do you think the world's progress toward democracy would have been affected if America in the fall of 1917 had compromised with Germany?

PRESIDENT WILSON'S ADDRESS AT

BALTIMORE

April 6, 1918

IN the spring of 1918 the forces of the Central Empires were apparently more successful than at any other time during the war. Hundreds of square miles of Italian territory were held by the Austrians and through the shameful treaty of Brest-Litovsk Russia had become the slave or vassal of Germany. The effect in America of this success on the part of our enemies was increased activity rather than discourage

ment.

It had required nearly three years of observation, study, and thought before America could be aroused. from its dream of peace and induced to take part in the war. It took a year of participation in the war before activity really became an adequate measure of our resources. But no illusion regarding Prussian aims could be cherished subsequent to the publication of the terms of the Russian treaties. America had cherished the ideal of liberty through enlightenment even before the War for Independence and had throughout her career been incomparably peace-loving. But Prussian autocracy had forced her in a few brief years to organize herself into a great war-machine fitted to answer the Hun with the only arguments that he could understand. With vacillation and debate left behind, and with a unity of purpose and sentiment that was awe-inspiring, this great nation in April, 1918,

devoted all its resources almost to the last man and the last dollar to the war for liberty.

Two war loans had already been floated with remarkable success. Public opinion had demanded that every penny must be saved for the fight. Personal extravagance was a disgrace. The curtailment of display, the wearing of old clothes, extreme economy in food, were universal. When the Third Liberty Loan was announced, President Wilson was asked to take part in the opening of the campaign. On April 6, 1918, at Batimore, he reviewed twelve thousand troops from Camp Meade and a little later at the Fifth Regiment Armory was introduced by Ex-Governor Goldsborough to an audience of fifteen thousand persons to whom he addressed the speech which follows. In clearness, in directness, in general rhetorical excellence, it is unsurpassed by any other address called forth by the war.

ADDRESS AT BALTIMORE

WOODROW WILSON

FELLOW-CITIZENS: This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Germany's challenge to fight for our right to live and be free, and for the sacred rights of freemen everywhere. The nation is awake.2 There is no need to call to it. We know what the war must cost, our utmost sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if need be, all that we possess.

The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least parts of what we are called upon to give and to do, though in itself imperative. The people of the whole country are alive to the necessity of it, and are ready to lend to the

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utmost, even where it involves a sharp skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of meagre earnings. They will look with reprobation and contempt upon those who can and will not, upon those who demand a higher rate of interest, upon those who think of it as a mere commercial transaction. I have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. I have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid conception of what it is for.

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The reasons for this great war, the reason why it had to come, the need to fight it through, and the issues that hang upon its outcome, are more clearly disclosed now than ever before. It is easy to see just what this particular loan means, because the cause we are fighting for stands more sharply revealed than at any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. The man who knows least can now see plainly how the cause of justice stands, and what the imperishable thing he is asked to invest in. Men in America may be more sure than they ever were before that the cause is their own, and that, if it should be lost, their own great nation's place and mission in the world would be lost with it.

I call you to witness, my fellow-countrymen, that at no stage of this terrible business have I judged the purposes of Germany intemperately. I should be ashamed in the presence of affairs so grave, so fraught with the destinies of mankind throughout all the world, to speak with truculence, to use the weak language of hatred or vindictive purpose. We must judge as we would be judged. I have sought to learn the objects Germany has in this war from the mouths of her own spokesmen, and to deal as frankly with them as I wished them to deal with me. I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes, without reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked them to say as plainly what it is that they seek.

We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no aggres

sion. We are ready, whenever the final reckoning is made, to be just to the German people, deal fairly with the German power, as with all others. There can be no difference between peoples in the final judgment, if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispassionate justice, to Germany at any time, whatever the outcome of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor our own cause, for we ask nothing that we are not willing to accord.

It has been with this thought that I have sought to learn from those who spoke for Germany whether it was justice or dominion and the execution of their own will upon the other nations of the world that the German leaders were seeking. They have answered-answered in unmistakable terms. They have avowed that it was not justice, but dominion and the unhindered execution of their own will. The avowal has not come from Germany's statesmen. It has come from her military leaders, who are her real rulers. Her statesmen have said that they wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at the conference table with them. Her present Chancellor has said-in indefinite and uncertain terms, indeed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their own meaning, but with as much plainness as he thought prudent-that he believed that peace should be based upon the principles which we had declared would be our own in the final settlement.

At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in similar terms; professed their desire to conclude a fair peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes they were dealing the right to choose their own allegiances. But action accompanied and followed profession. Their military masters, the men who act for Germany and exhibit her purpose in execution, proclaimed a very different conclu

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