voluntary grants were in vogue the colonies had been unable to agree on the proportion of expense that each should bear, a fact that Franklin could not deny. The conference ended without material change in the proposed bill which was passed by the House of Commons with slight opposition in March 1765.

This act was planned to furnish a revenue of $300,000, all of which was to be applied toward the support of troops in America. The bill, however, was received by the colonists with great indignation. They were willing to contribute to the expenses of the Imperial government, if the King would ask the colonial assemblies to make grants; but they were unwilling to be taxed by Parliament so long as they were not represented in the House of Commons. Accordingly the Americans refused to use the stamped paper required by the law for nearly all commercial transactions. Business practically ceased. Rioting occurred in many cities, and criticism of the policy of the British ministry became daily more bitter.

On January 14, 1766, when Parliament assembled, the King's speech again asserted the right to tax America. Pitt was present although he had but recently recovered from a severe illness. Unfamiliar with the calendar, because of his absence of nearly a year, he did not know that American taxation was to be considered; but when the subject was discussed, so impressed was he by the seriousness of the moment that he spoke extemporaneously with all the fire that had made his earlier speeches famous. Many years of Parliamentary service and continuous study of conditions in America, made his words authoritative. His speech produced an immediate change in the official attitude toward America; and he was able within the next few weeks so to organize the advocates and lovers

of English liberty that on March 18, 1766, the obnoxious Stamp Act was repealed.

AMERICAN TAXATION

WILLIAM PITT, EARL OF CHATHAM

1

It is a long time, Mr. Speaker, since I have attended in Parliament. When the resolution was taken in this House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If I could have endured to be carried 1 in my bed- -so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences-I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor, to have borne my testimony against it! It is now an act that has passed. I would speak with decency of every act of this House; but I must beg the indulgence of the House to speak of it with freedom.

I hope a day may soon be appointed to consider the state of the nation with respect to America. I hope gentlemen will come to this debate with all the temper and impartiality that his majesty recommends, and the importance of the subject requires ;3 a subject of greater importance than ever engaged the attention of this House, that subject only excepted, when, near a century ago, it was the question whether you yourselves were to be bond or free.

I will only speak to one point-a point which seems not to have been generally understood, I mean to the right. Some gentlemen seem to have considered it as a point of honor. If gentlemen consider it in that light, they leave all measures of right and wrong to follow a delusion that may lead to destruction. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom over

the colonies to be sovereign and supreme, in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. They are the subjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen; equally bound by its laws, and equally participating in the constitution of this free country. The Americans are the sons, not the bastards, of England! Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legislation the three estates of the realm are alike concerned; but the concurrence of the peers and the Crown to tax is only necessary to clothe it with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons alone.

In the ancient days, the Crown, the barons, and the clergy possessed the lands. In those days, the barons and the clergy gave and granted to the Crown. They gave and granted what was their own! At present, since the discovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the Commons are become the proprietors of the land. The church (God bless it!) has but a pittance. The property of the lords, compared with that of the Commons, is a drop of water in the ocean; and this House represents those Commons, the proprietors of the lands; and those proprietors virtually represent the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this House. we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax, what do we do? We, your majesty's Commons for Great Britain, give and grant to your majesty "-what? Our own property! No! "We give and grant to your majesty" the property of your majesty's Commons of America! It is an absurdity in

terms.

The distinction between legislation and taxation is essentially necessary to liberty. The crown and the peers

are equally legislative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the Crown and the peers have rights in taxation as well as yourselves; rights which they will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be supported by power.

There is an idea in some that the colonies are virtually represented in the House. I would fain know by whom an American is represented here. Is he represented by any knight of the shire, in any county in this kingdom? Would to God that respectable representation was augmented to a greater number! Or will you tell him that he is represented by any representative of a borough?―a borough which, perhaps, its own representative never saw! This is what is called the rotten part of the constitution. It can not continue a century. If it does not drop, it must be amputated. The idea of a virtual representation of America in this House is the most contemptible idea that ever entered the head of a man. It does not deserve a serious refutation.

The Commons of America represented in their several assemblies have ever been in possession of the exercise of this, their constitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it! At the same time, this kingdom, as the supreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her laws, by her regulations, and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures, in every thing except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent.

Since the accession of King William, many ministers, some of great, others of more moderate abilities, have taken the lead of government. None of these thought, or even dreamed, of robbing the colonies of their constitutional rights. That was reserved to mark the era of the late administration. Not that there were wanting some,

when I had the honor to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American stamp act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breast, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submitted to the imposition; but it would have been taking an ungenerous, an unjust advantage. The gentleman boasts of his bounties to America! Are not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If not, he has misapplied the national treasures!

I am no courtier of America. I stand up for this kingdom. I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. When it ceases to be sovereign and supreme, I would advise every gentleman to sell his lands, if he can, and embark for that country. When two countries are connected together like England and her colonies, without being incorporated, the one must necessarily govern. The greater must rule the less. But she must so rule it as not to contradict the fundamental principles that are common to both. A great deal has been said without doors of the power, the strength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valor of your troops. I know the skill of your officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America out of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experience to make a governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the Stamp Act, which so many here will think a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.

In such a cause your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man; she would embrace the pillars of the state and pull down the