Clay's first appearance in Congress must have been significant to the elderly men who held their seats in the dignified United States Senate. It does not appear to have been noticed that this accomplished, self-poised, and confident young Kentuckian was not yet of legal age as a Senator. As he was born April 12, 1777, and entered the Senate December 29, 1806, he still lacked three months and seventeen days of the age of thirty-three years, which the Constitution of the United States prescribes as a condition of eligibility to the Senate. His first beginnings in his career as a legislator were characteristic. It has always been the tradition of the Senate that a new member should hold his tongue for a year, except when answering to a roll-call or making some unimportant motion. Clay immediately plunged into the debates, as a matter of course. On the fourth day after he took his seat he offered resolutions concerning the circuit courts of the United States, and followed this up with sundry important public measures, one of which was an amendment to the Constitution concerning the judicial power of the United States. With utmost freedom he took part in all the debates and astonished the Senators with pungent sarcasms on men much older than himself. His first speech was in advocacy of a bill to bridge. the Potomac River at Washington. Other bills were in the same line of that policy of "internal improvements" which was so ardently sustained by Clay throughout his whole Congressional

career.

The young republic, still weak and exhausted from its long struggle for independence, was being harassed by all the first-rate European powers and occasionally nagged by some of the smaller ones. The British Government was particularly offensive in its insistence on the right of search, and American grievances in this direction so multiplied that within a very brief time over nine hundred ships were seized by the British and five hundred and fifty by the French. American citizens were impressed as British seamen, and the insolence with which our remonstrances were treated exasperated the young Republican leaders, of whom Henry Clay was now the most dashing and brilliant. Madison, who was President, was a timid and vacillating old man. Henry Clay, now Speaker of the House, so arranged the important committees of that body as to put them under control of the party anxious and importunate for war with Great Britain. It is not too much to say that he fanned the flames of rising indignation and was ready to proceed to any length to commit the United States to warlike purposes. He took the floor of the House to make speeches in favor of placing at the disposition of the President a large army. He spoke of war as a certain event, and pointed out that the "real cause of British aggression was not to distress an enemy, but to destroy a rival." When the question was asked, "What are we to gain by war?" he replied with ringing emphasis: "What are we not to lose by peace?-commerce, character, a nation's best

treasure, honor." His voice sounded like a clarion call throughout the republic. Indignation meetings were held, resolutions adopted calling on Congress to take action, and denouncing Great Britain as an insolent tyrant whose pride must be lowered. Clay proposed an invasion of Canada, another siege of Quebec, and an ultimate peace dictated at Halifax.

Clay's patriotism, always undoubted and passionate, was now at fever heat. With his magnificently dramatic air, he cried: "It is impossible that this country should ever abandon the gallant tars who have won for us such splendid trophies. Let me suppose that the genius of Columbia should visit one of them in his oppressor's prison and attempt to reconcile him to his forlorn and wretched condition. Should we say to him in the language of the gentlemen on the other side, Great Britain intends you no harm; she did not mean to impress you, but one of her own subjects having taken you by mistake, I will remonstrate and try to prevail upon her by peaceful means to release you, but I cannot, my son, fight for you.' If he did not consider this mockery, the poor tar would address her judgment and say: 'You owe me, my country, protection; I owe you in return obedience. I am not a British subject; I am a native of Massachusetts, where live my aged father, my wife, my children. I have faithfully discharged my duty. Will you refuse to do yours?'" The speech was concluded with these burning words: "No matter what his vocation, whether he seeks.

subsistence amid the dangers of the sea or draws it from the bowels of the earth, or from the humblest occupations of mechanic life, wherever the sacred rights of an American freeman are assailed, all hearts ought to unite and every arm be braced to vindicate his course. But

if we fail, let us fail like men; lash ourselves to our gallant tars and expire together in one long struggle, fighting for free trade and seamen's rights." There was no withstanding this appeal. The increase of the army was voted by Congress and the war spirit rose with rekindled ardor.

It is unnecessary to trace the history of the War of 1812. After a succession of most brilliant naval victories which shed great luster upon the American name, the cause of the republic began to falter and men talked of peace. The diplomatic mission undertaken in the summer of 1814 by Adams, Clay, Bayard, Russell, and Gallatin was to treat with the British Government through its agents at Ghent. After a long and wordy engagement between the commissioners of Great Britain and the United States, the terms of peace were finally agreed upon. Clay throughout these negotiations showed a certain intuitive knowledge of events that were occurring behind the scenes and which were utterly unknown to the world outside until long afterward. As a fervid and highspirited patriot, he was greatly disappointed by the outcome of the negotiations, and refused to go to London, where he expected to be still fur

ther humiliated. But when the news of the battle of New Orleans (which was fought after peace had been concluded) reached Europe, his crest arose once more with pride, and he said, "Now I can go to England without mortification." It is a curious incident in Clay's career that he should have been the most active inciter of the War of 1812 and yet be compelled, as he thought, to “eat humble pie" in order to conclude peace at Ghent, the terms of which he thought were to be dictated at Halifax. On the whole, however, he was satisfied, and a year later, in a debate in the House of Representatives, he acknowledged large responsibility for the declaration of war, alluded to the fact that the republic had been insulted and outraged by Great Britain, France, Spain, Denmark, Naples, and even by the little contemptible power of Algiers, and in answer to the question, "What have we gained by war?" he said: "Let any man look at the degraded condition of his country before the war, the scorn of the universe, the contempt of ourselves, and tell me if we have gained nothing by the war. What is our situation now? Responsibility and character abroad, security and confidence at home."

It was in January, 1816, that Clay became involved in the long contest which grew out of the national bank project. He was liable to a charge of inconsistency, as he had once opposed the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, but was now in favor of that institution. His critics have said that, according to Clay's ar