dale in 'Coningsby),' a remarkably shrewd and very adroit intriguer, contrived almost at the last hour to learn some of the leading provisions of the bill; but when he mentioned them, no one believed him. The effect, therefore, of the revelation of the real nature and extent of the measure was astounding.

The introduction of the bill had been intrusted to Lord John Russell, Paymaster of the Forces, principally because he had for more than ten years identified himself with the cause, though no doubt partly from the fact that his brother, the Duke of Bedford, a great Whig leader, was a proprietor of nomination boroughs, and his support was therefore likely to obtain a favourable hearing for a measure which had for its chief object their abolition. As the 1st of March-the day on which the ministerial scheme was to be made known

give fifty additional members to counties having 150,000 inhabitants, to add five members to the number of the Scottish representatives, five to Ireland, and one to Wales. These arrangements reduced by sixty-two the existing number of members. Lord John Russell says he entreated Lord Grey to impose upon his colleagues the necessity of secrecy, in order that the plan might come with all the freshness of novelty upon the public ear, and deprive the opponents of reform of the advantage of making adequate preparations to resist the first assault upon the well-fortified intrenchments of the enemy. Absolute secrecy was indeed necessary to give the measure any chance of success with the country and with Parliament. A week or ten days, as the Chancellor remarked, would have sufficed to raise objections in all quarters, even among its friends, and discontent would have prevailed among approached, the excitement throughout many because of the reform going too far, the country increased. When the day among many more because of its not going arrived the long avenue to the House of far enough; besides that, every one would Commons was blocked at an early hour by have had a plan of his own, and not a few claimants for admission to the gallery, and must have rejected it from ignorance of the House itself was crowded in every the subject and being led by no weighty corner. Lord John,' says an eye-witness, authority. In short, the keeping the whole looked very pale and subdued. He cast of the measure secret until the moment of an occasional glance at the immense array promulgation with the full weight of Govern- of the Opposition in front of him, which ment appeared absolutely necessary, if the presented a disagreeable contrast to its bill was to have fair play. Notwithstand- appearance when the Whigs sat there.' ing the number of persons to whom the Amid breathless silence he began in a low plan had to be confided, there never was voice to unfold the plan of the Governa secret more perfectly kept. Even on ment. He spoke for nearly two hours. the very day that the measure was to His speech was purposely plain and simple, be brought forward there was a general omitting, as he said, the arguments in apprehension among the supporters of the favour of Reform which he had stated at Ministry that their bill would not go far length in 1822, and with which the country enough to satisfy the country. And so was now familiar. The most memorable little were the Tory party prepared for passage in his lordship's speech was his such a sweeping measure, that Sir Robert sketch of the anomalies of the existing Peel a few days earlier predicted that when system of representation. A stranger,' he the plan of Reform should be developed, said, 'who is told that this country is unit would occasion disappointment by the paralleled in wealth and industry, and meagreness of its proportions and the more civilized and more enlightened than trifling nature of the changes recommended. any country was before it that it is a Lord Lowther (the prototype of Lord Esk-country that prides itself on its freedom,

and that once in every seven years it elects | constituents. If, therefore, the question is representatives from its population to act one of right, right is in favour of reform; as the guardians and preservers of that if it be a question of policy and expediency, freedom-would be anxious and curious to policy and expediency are in favour of see how that representation is formed, and reform.' how the people choose their representatives, to whose faith and guardianship they intrust their free and liberal institutions. Such a person would be very much astonished if he were taken to a ruined mound, and told that that mound sent two representatives to Parliament; if he were taken to a stone wall, and told that three niches in it sent two representatives to Parliament; if he were taken to a park, where no houses were to be seen, and told that that park sent two representatives to Parliament. But if he were told all this, and were astonished at hearing it, he would be still more astonished if he were to see large and opulent towns, full of enterprise and industry and intelligence, containing vast magazines of every species of manufactures, and were then told that these towns sent no representatives to Parliament. Such a person would be still more astonished if he were taken to Liverpool, where there is a large constituency, and told, "Here you will have a fine specimen of a general election." He would see bribery employed to the greatest extent, and in the most unblushing manner; he would see every voter receiving a number of guineas in a box as the price of his corruption; and after such a spectacle, he would no doubt be much astonished that a nation, whose representatives are thus chosen, could perform the functions of legislation at all, or enjoy respect in any degree. I say, then, that if the question before the House is a question of reason, the present state of representation is against reason. The confidence of the country, which is the construction and constitution of the House of Commons, is gone. It would be easier to transfer the flourishing manufactures of Leeds and Manchester to Gatton and Old Sarum, than to reestablish confidence and sympathy between this House and those whom it calls its

Lord John then proceeded to give a clear and intelligible statement of the nature of the proposals which he had to make in the name of the Government. They amounted, as he frankly admitted, if carried, to a revolution. The intimation that 150 seats were to be taken from the nomination boroughs came on both parties with an absolutely electrifying shock, said an eyewitness. Loud cheers burst at once from the Ministerial benches, and were answered by equally loud shouts of derision from the Opposition. These conflicting expressions of opinion and feeling lasted through the whole enumeration of the boroughs in the two schedules. It is a significant fact that Lord John sat down amid a profound silence. Mr. John Smith, himself the proprietor of a nomination borough which was to be abolished, said the proposal took away his breath, so surprised and delighted was he to find the Ministers so much in earnest. Sir Robert Peel's features, during the introductory part of Lord John's speech, expressed only astonishment and contempt; but as the plan was unfolded he looked more and more cast down, and at last he held his hands before his face as if unable to control his emotions. He turned black in the face,' said Lord Althorp. His followers, who were blind to the imminent danger of the party, which their leader clearly foresaw, were confident that such a measure would never pass. Sir Henry Hardinge told Sir James Graham that he supposed the Ministry should all go out of office next morning. Many even of the moderate Whigs thought it impossible that the Government could succeed in carrying the bill, either in the existing House of Commons or by an appeal to the people.

The most prominent feeling in the House, on hearing the details of the measure, was incredulity and astonishment. Some even of

the advanced Liberals thought the Ministry | attempt to prove that at no period of had gone too far, and no one of mark was English history could the House of Comunreservedly in favour of the bill. Mr. mons be said to have more completely Baring Wall, a shrewd observer who sat represented the people than at that time, next Hobhouse during Lord John's state- and that the constitution would be revoment, exclaimed, when the long list of lutionized, not reformed, by the bill. I for boroughs to be disfranchised was read, one am quite sure,' he said, that if this 'They are mad! they are mad!' Mr. measure be carried it will sweep the House Hudson Gurney, a very clever and original of Lords clean in the course of ten years.' thinker, who could not be counted on by either party beforehand, said, 'I consider it an honour to the age for any administration to have proposed this bill; not that there is a chance of these men carrying it; only Oliver Cromwell could do that. But if the bill should pass, I ask where are the men to govern the country?'

It was the opinion of Lord Brougham, in which Lord Althorp and some other shrewd observers concurred, that if Sir Robert Peel had risen when Lord John Russell concluded his speech, and said that he would not discuss so revolutionary and so mad a proposal, and had insisted on immediately dividing the House, the bill would have been rejected. This notion of the ablest members of the Government shows how little they were aware of the state of popular opinion and feeling when they imagined that the question of Reform, or even the proposed measure, could have been disposed of in such a manner. The bill introduced by Lord John Russell might, no doubt, have been thrown out in the way indicated; but such a daring and contemptuous disregard of opinion would have been highly dangerous to the Tory party, and would certainly have led to the introduction of a much more sweeping measure of reform.

Sir Robert Harry Inglis, who ejected Peel from the representation of Oxford, was the first speaker against the bill. His high character and scholarship, and his position as the representative of a university, gave great weight to his opinion, and entitled him to speak in the name both of the country gentlemen and the clergy. He spent two hours in an elaborate

VOL. I.

The member for Oxford was the first to employ against the bill an argument on which the changes were afterwards constantly rung, and which undoubtedly had considerable weight. The great benefit of the constitution of the House of Commons,' he said, 'as it now exists (though if the noble lord's plan is adopted that benefit will cease), is that it represents all interests and admits all talents. If the proposed change takes place it will be almost entirely confined to one interest, and no talent will be admitted but the single one of mob oratory. Many of those who sat for "close and rotten boroughs," as they have been designated for the first time by a member of the Government, have constituted the chief ornaments of the House and the support of the country, but would, if this plan had been adopted in their days, never have been received into the House. I ask the noble lord by what means the great Lord Chatham came into Parliament ? By the bye, the first borough for which that great man sat was Old Sarum itself. Mr. Pitt sat for Appleby. Mr. Fox came in for a close borough; and when rejected for a populous place, he again took refuge in a close borough. Mr. Burke first sat for Wendover; and when by that means he became known, he was transposed in his glory to Bristol, as Mr. Canning who also first sat for Wendover was transposed to Liverpool. When their talents became known they were the honoured representatives of large towns; but would such. places ever have thought of selecting Mr. Canning, Mr. Burke, or Lord Chatham, if they had not previously had an opportunity of showing their talents in the House?

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is only by this means that young men, who | direct representation to places which, as are unconnected by birth or residence with everybody allows, ought by some process large towns, can ever hope to enter this or other to be represented?' House unless they are cursed-I will call it cursed with that talent of mob oratory which is used for the purpose of influencing the lowest and most debasing passions of the people.' Mr. Horace Twiss, who followed Sir Robert, declaimed vehemently against the principles embodied in the measure, and their ruinous consequences. A brief but weighty speech from Lord Althorp concluded the debate for that night, and the House adjourned before midnight.

With respect to the oft-repeated assertion, that the system, notwithstanding its admitted anomalies, worked well, Mr. Macaulay said, 'I deny it. I deny that a system works well which the people regard with aversion. We may say here that it is a good system and a perfect system, but if any man were to say so to any six hundred and fifty-eight respectable farmers or shopkeepers, chosen by lot in any part of England, he would be hooted down and laughed to scorn. Are these the feelings with which any part of the Government ought to be regarded? Above all, are these the feelings with which the popular branch of the legislature ought to be regarded? It is almost as essential to the utility of a House of Commons that it should possess the confidence of the people as that it should deserve that confidence. Unfortunately that which is in theory the popular part of our Government, is in practice the unpopular part. Who wishes to dethrone the king? Who wishes to turn the Lords out of their House? Here and there a crazy Radical, whom the boys in the street point at as he walks along. Who wishes to alter the constitution of this House? The whole people.'

The debate on the motion for leave to introduce the bill lasted for seven nights, and all the leading members on both sides of the House took part in the discussion. The speeches of Mr. Macaulay and Sir Robert Peel were pronounced magnificent. One of the most felicitous parts of the speech of the former was his exposure of the fallacy that virtual representation rendered direct representation unnecessary. But these great cities, says my honourable friend the member for the university of Oxford, are virtually, though not directly, represented. Are not the wishes of Manchester, he asks, as much consulted as those of any town which sends members to Parliament? Now, sir, I do not understand how a power which is salutary when exercised virtually, can be 'It is natural,' he adds, 'that it should be noxious when exercised directly. If the so. The House of Commons is, in the wishes of Manchester have as much weight language of Mr. Burke, a check not on the with us as they would have under a system people, but for the people. While that which should give representatives to Man- check is efficient, there is no reason to fear chester, how can there be any danger in that the king or nobles will oppress the giving representatives to Manchester? A people; but if that check requires checking, virtual representative is, I presume, a man how is it to be checked? If the salt shall who acts as a direct representative would lose its savour, wherewith shall we season act; for surely it would be absurd to say it? The distrust with which the nation that a man virtually represents the people regards the House may be unjust. But of Manchester who is in the habit of saying what then? Can you remove that distrust? No, when a man directly representing the That it exists, cannot be denied; that it is people of Manchester would say Aye. The an evil cannot be denied; that it is an utmost that can be expected from virtual increasing evil cannot be denied. representation is, that it may be as good as You are at the end of your palliations. direct representation. If so, why not grant | The evil remains. It is more formidable

resisted at the hazard of his own life. There is no event in Grecian history more interesting than that memorable resistance. Yet who would have officers appointed by lot because the accident of the lot may have given to a great and good man a power which he would never have attained in any other way. We must judge, as I said, by the general tendency of a system. No person can doubt that a House of Commons chosen freely by the middle classes will contain many very able men. I do not say that precisely the same able men who would find their way into the present House of Commons, will find their way into the reformed House; but that is not the question. No particular man is necessary to the State. We may depend on that if we provide the country with great men.' The Speaker (Manners Sutton) said, that in all his prolonged experience, he had never seen the House in such a state of excitement as when Macaulay sat down. Portions of the speech,' said Sir Robert Peel, I were as beautiful as anything I ever read or heard.'

than ever. What is to be done? Under such circumstances a great plan of reconciliation, prepared by the Ministers of the Crown, has been brought before us; it is founded on a great and sound principle. It takes away a vast power from a few; it distributes that power through the great mass of the middle order. Every man, therefore, who thinks as I think, is bound to stand firmly by the Ministers who are resolved to stand or fall with this measure.' Referring to the assertion made by Sir Robert Inglis and others, that it is by means of close and rotten boroughs that the ablest men have been introduced into Parliament, Mr. Macaulay said, 'It is true that many distinguished persons have represented places of this description. But, sir, we must judge of a form of government by its general tendency, not by happy accidents. Every form of government has its happy accidents. Despotism has its happy accidents. Yet we are not disposed to abolish all constitutional checks to please an absolute master over us, and to take our chance whether he may be a Caligula or a Marcus Aurelius. In whatever way the Sir Robert's own speech was one of the House of Commons may be chosen, some most powerful delivered in the course of able men will be chosen in that way who the debate. After replying to some charges would not be chosen in any other way. If which Lord Palmerston had brought against there were a law that the hundred tallest the late administration, and giving a sarmen in England should be members of castic enumeration of the proceedings of the Parliament, there would probably be some present Government, he employed against able men among those who would come the bill an argument which would have into the House by virtue of this law. If come more appropriately from Orator Hunt the hundred persons whose names stand than from the leader of the Tory party. first in the alphabetical list of the "Court The inevitable tendency of the bill, he Guide" were made members of Parliament, said, was to sever any link of connection there would probably be able men among between the poorer classes and that class them. We read in ancient history that from which their representatives are usually a very able king was elected by the neigh- chosen. It deprived the freemen of Covening of his horse; but we shall scarcely, I try and the pot-wallopers of Preston of think, adopt this mode of election. In one their franchise, and thus affixed a political of the most celebrated republics of antiquity, stigma on those not eligible to vote under Athens, senators and magistrates were the £10 qualification. Sir Robert was more chosen by lot, and sometimes the lot fell successful in his reply to Mr. Macaulay's fortunately. Once, for example, Socrates argument respecting the mode in which was in office. A cruel and unjust proposi- young men of great ability, but not tion was made by a demagogue. Socrates possessed of wealth or rank, should obtain