apon us for the act under consideration, the nation, I have no doubt, will be willing to meet war. But the gentleman' (Mr. Horsey) reminds us that Great Britain, the ally of Spain, may be obliged by her connection with Spain to take part with her against us, and to consider this measure of the president as justifying an appeal to arms. Sir, is the time never to arrive when we may manage our own affairs without the fear of insulting his Britannic majesty? Is the rod of British power to be for ever suspended over our heads? Does congress put on an embargo to shelter our rightful commerce against the piratical depredations committed upon it on the ocean? we are immediately warned of the indignation of offended England. Is a law of non-intercourse proposed? the whole navy of the haughty mistress of the seas is made to thunder in our ears. Does the president refuse to continue a correspondence with a minister who violates the decorum belonging to his diplomatic character, by giving and deliberately repeating an affront to the whole nation? we are instantly menaced with the chastisement which English pride will not fail to inflict. Whether we assert our rights by sea or attempt their maintenance by landwhithersoever we turn ourselves, this phantom incessantly pursues us. Already has it had too much influence on the councils of the nation. It contributed to the repeal of the embargo-that dishonorable repeal which has so much tarnished the character of our government. Mr. president, I have before said on this floor, and now take occasion again to remark, that I most sincerely desire peace and amity with England; that I even prefer an adjustment of all differences with her, before one with any other nation. But if she persist in a denial of justice to us, or if she avails herself of the occupation of West Florida to commence war upon us, I trust and hope that all hearts will unite in a bold and vigorous vindication of our rights.' The effect produced by Mr. Clay's speech was most obvious, inducing many of the most strenuous opposers of the course pursued by the president, who were firmly resolved on recording their votes in disapproval of it, to come frankly forward and candidly to acknowledge their error, and express their determination to sustain him in this measure. They were true to their declaration, and thus the approval of the proclamation was secured. But 'had there been at that time in the senate no democratic champion like Mr. Clay-one who could stand up among the tall and fierce spirits of faction to vindicate the rights of our country, and utter a solemn warning in the ears of those who would wantonly throw the key of her strength into the hands of an enemy-it is difficult to say how imminently dangerous might have been the present condition of the republic.'

Mr. Clay's labors during the remainder of the session were arduous and unremitted, as well as most valuable, to particular individuals as well as to the nation. The discharge of his duty

towards his country, he seems ever to have considered of the most pressing importance, and it is gladdening to the heart of every true American to witness the disinterested, the noble and generous manner with which it was performed. In whatever relations, and however circumstanced we find him, we see him presenting, in this respect, one unvaried aspect. He took an active part in all the discussions of consequence, where any important and essential principle was involved. He was several times appointed one of a committee, to whom matters of interest were referred. Here he displayed accurate discrimination, soundness of judgment, and great ability, in immediately discerning and seizing the strong points of a subject, calculated to render conspicuous its merits or expose its defects. He acted as chairman of a committee, to whom was recommitted a bill, granting a right of preemption to purchasers of public lands, in certain cases, and reported it with amendments, which were read. After receiving some alterations, it was again recommitted, reported, and finally passed the senate. The cause of the poor settler and the hardy pioneer could not have been committed to better hands- to one who would more studiously and feelingly consult their best interests. Experience had made him acquainted with the privations, wants, and toils, which they were compelled to encounter, in causing the forest to recede before their slow, fatiguing march, and this opened a wide avenue to the fountain of his sympathetic feelings, which gushed sponta neously forth whenever he contemplated the evils and the difficulties which beset their path. This he exerted himself to render as smooth as possible. Hence he early and continually advocated a most liberal policy towards that class of his country's yeomanry, maintaining that she should extend to them every facility in her power, consistent with wisdom and justice. Mr. Clay has always watched the movements of the emigrant with feelings of almost paternal solicitude, and wherever he has pitched his temporary tent, or made his permanent abode, there he has exerted himself to induce his country to extend her beneficial legislation, and to lay at his door as many of the benefits of civilized life as possible, with their ameliorating influences. How illiberal then, how unjust the attempts of those inimical to him, to convert his noble benevolence into a weapon of hostility against him, by endeavoring to procure credence for those senseless reports, which represented him as unfriendly to the interests of the emigrant, and as endeavoring to aggrandize himself at their expense. But time is fast dispelling the cloud of error, which was thus raised and caused to brood over the public mind, and the sun-light of truth is pouring in its irradiating beams, most clearly revealing the justice and wisdom of his advocacy, in relation to the public domain.

His attention was engrossed by other and correlative subjects soon after that of the protection of the hardy back-woods men and