SLAVERY IN THE BORDER STATES.

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Lovejoy was most indignant at this stupid and inhuman treatment, and early in the special session, introduced a resolution declaring that it was no part of the duty of the soldiers of the United States, to capture and return fugitive slaves. This passed the House by the very large majority of ayes ninety three, nays fifty nine.

In the Senate, Mr. Powell of Kentucky, proposed to amend the Army Bill, by providing that no part of the army should be employed "in subjugating or holding, as a conquered province, any sovereign State, or in freeing any slave." The amendment was rejected. Senators from the slave holding States were advised that slavery would not survive, in any State, the march of Union armies.

There were, in the border States, many Union men who desired to maintain the Union, and wished, also, that there might be no interference with the institution of slavery. These men, with the small band of anti-slavery men in Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri had rendered efficient aid in preventing those States from seceding. Their representative man in Congress was the aged, venerable, and eloquent John J. Crittenden of Kentucky. He had been the confi dential friend and colleague of Clay, and had never faltered in his loyalty to the Union. He had been conspicuous in the session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, in attempting to bring about terms of compromise, to prevent the threatened war.

On the 15th of July, on motion of General John A. McClernand, the House, by a vote of one hundred and twentyone, to five, adopted a resolution, pledging itself to vote any amount of money and any number of men, which might be necessary to ensure a speedy and effectual suppression of the rebellion.

On the 22d of July 1861, Mr. Crittenden offered the fol lowing resolution, defining the object of the war:

"Resolved, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country, by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in revolt against the Constitutional Government, and in arms, around the Capital; that, in this National emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the

whole country; that this war is not waged, upon our part, in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest, or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States; but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease."

It was adopted by the House, there being only two dissenting votes. It served to allay the apprehensions of the border States, whose sensitiveness had been excited by the agents and abettors of the rebellion.

The special session of Congress, confined its action to measures connected with the war, and did comparatively little in the way of general legislation. After long debate, it sanctioned the acts of President Lincoln, and voted more than all the men and means he had called for to suppress the insurrection. Its anti-slavery action was confined to a rebuke of the army officers, for returning fugitive slaves; and the agitation and passage of the bill, confiscating the property, and freeing slaves employed to aid in the rebellion. This became a law on the 6th of August, and was the first in that series of measures, which resulted in the language of Breckinridge, in "loosening all bonds."

But the discussions which occurred on the floor of the Capitol, contributed largely, to the formation of that public sentiment, which resulted in the final overthrow of slavery by the President's Proclamation of Emancipation. The way was being prepared.

One of the most memorable speeches of this session, distinguished alike for its eloquence, boldness and sagacity, was that of Senator Baker, on a resolution approving the acts of President Lincoln, in calling out men, in raising an army, suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus, and other acts to suppress the insurrection. He said:

"As a personal and political friend of the President, I approve of every measure of his administration, in relation to the troubles of the country. I propose to ratify whatever needs ratification. I propose to render my clear and distinct approval, not only of the measure, but

of the motive which prompted it. I propose to lend the whole power of the country-arms, men, money, and place them in his hands, with authority, almost unlimited, until the conclusion of this struggle. He has asked for $400,000,000. We propose to give him $500,000,000 He has asked for four hundred thousand men. We propose to give him half a million, and for my part, if, as I do not apprehend, the emergency should still be greater, I will cheerfully add a cipher to either of these figures.

"But, sir, while I do that, I desire by my word and my vote, to have it clearly understood, that I do that as a measure of war. As I had occasion to say in a very early discussion of this question, I want sudden, bold, forward, determined war. I do not think any body can conduct one of that kind, as well as a dictator. But, as a Senator, I deem it my duty to look forward to returning peace. I do not believe it will be longer than next February.

"Till danger's troubled night is o'er,

And the star of peace returns."'

Whether that peace shall be conquered at Richmond, or Montgomery, or New Orleans, or in the wilds of Texas, I do not presume to say; but I do know, if I may use so bold a word, that the determined aggregated power of the whole people of this country-all its treasure, all its arms, all its blood, all its enthusiasm kindled, concentrated, poured out, in one mass of living valor, upon any foe, will conquer.

"I believe, with most gentlemen, that the Union sentiment will yet prevail in the Southern States. Bayonets are sharp remedies, but they are very powerful. I am one of those who believe that there may be reverses. I am not quite confident that we shall overrun the Southern States, as we shall have to overrun them, without severe trials of our courage and our patience. I believe they are a brave, determined people, filled with enthusiasm, false in its purposes, as I think, but still, one which animates almost all classes of their population. But however that may be, it may be that instead of finding within a year, loyal States sending members to Congress, and replacing their Senators upon this floor, we may have to reduce them to the condition of territories, and send from Massachusetts, or from Illinois, Governors to control them. It may be; and sir, if need come, I am one of those who would be willing to do it. I would do that; I would risk, even the stigma of being despotic and oppressive, rather than risk the perpetuity of the Union of these States. I repeat, and with that repetition I close. Fight the war through; accomplish a peace; make it so perfect and so permanent, that a boy may preserve it; and when you have done that, you have no more need for a standing army."

The right of the President to increase the regular Army, and to suspend the Habeas Corpus were gravely questioned. Indeed, so far as relates to the right to increase the regular Army, Mr. Lincoln himself, regarded it as an act called out by imperious necessity, and requiring the sanction of Congress to legalize. Mr. Sherman of Ohio, said:

"I believe that the President had the right, and that it was his duty to issue the Proclamation of April last. I believe he had a right; it was a part of the power of suppressing an insurrection, to blockade the ports of the States, or any of them. I do not believe the President of the United States, has the power to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus, because that power is expressly given by the Constitution to Congress and to Congress alone; and therefore I cannot vote for either of the last three propositions—the fourth, the fifth or the sixth. Still, I approve of the action of the President. I believe the President did right. He did precisely what I would have done if I had been in his place; no more, no less; but I cannot, here, in my place as a Senator under oath, declare that what he did, was legal. I may say it was proper, and was justified by the necessity of the case; but, I cannot, here, in my place, under oath, declare that it was strictly legal, and in consonance with the provisions of the Constitution. I shall, therefore, be compelled to vote against the resolution."

Congress by large majorities, both in the Senate, and in the House legalized and approved, of all the acts, proclamations and orders of the President, respecting the Army and Navy, and calling out the militia and enrolling volunteers.*

There had, up to July, already gathered to the standard of the Union, many more men than the number mentioned in the President's call. These troops held Fortress Monroe and vicinity; garrisoned Baltimore, guarded the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and other roads leading to the Capital, besides which, there were at Washington some 30,000 troops: A force under General George B. McClellan were driving the rebels out of West Virginia. The insurgents, under Beauregard, confronted the troops near the Capital, with an equal, if not superior force, holding a position along Bull Run Creek; their right resting on Manassas, and their left at

*Act of August 5, 1861.

Winchester, under General Johnston. It was determined to attack this force, and the Union army under General McDowell, left its camps near the Potomac on the 16th of July, and attacked the enemy on the 21st. The attack was skillfully planned, and was at first successful, until reinforcements under Johnson arriving opportunely, at the crisis of the bat tle, saved the insurgents from a defeat, and enabled them to repulse the Union troops and drive them back from the base of the Blue Ridge, to the defences of Washington. There never was a more mortifying defeat than that sustained by the National forces at Bull Run. It took the people completely by surprise. They, and the Union soldiers had not appreciated the strength and magnitude of the rebellion, nor the fierce vigor with which the rebels would fight.

With this battle, commenced the exhibition of those ferocious cruelties and barbarities, which, to a great extent, characterized the insurgents during the war. There was a hatred and ferocity on the part of the rebels towards the Union soldiers, scarcely paralleled, and which was in striking contrast to the conciliatory feelings of the loyalists towards the rebels. The latter robbed and mutilated the dead upon the battle field, and wore the bones of the fallen as personal ornaments. These things it were well to forget, except that they illustrate the barbarism produced by slavery, and therefore, the truth of history demands their record. The slaveholders have ceased to exist, because slavery has been destroyed, but as a beacon and a warning, the real character of the men produced by this institution, should be truthfully described. The public mind was learning to recognize the rebellion as slavery in arms. It was advancing towards that position in which slavery was to be attacked directly. But yet, the Country, the Army and the President hesitated.

Much has been said by the Press, about this battle being forced upon the military authorities by the President, who, it was asserted, had been influenced by popular clamor and the cry of "On to Richmond." It was said that General Scott was forced to fight this battle before he was ready. It is true, the cry of "On to Richmond" was very general, but it is known, that when General Johnston had escaped from